{"id":1109,"date":"2025-03-04T16:13:53","date_gmt":"2025-03-04T12:13:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/?p=1109"},"modified":"2025-07-29T01:17:16","modified_gmt":"2025-07-28T21:17:16","slug":"azerbaycan-ictimai-reyinde-avropa-ittifaqi-ve-cine-munasibet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/2025\/03\/04\/azerbaycan-ictimai-reyinde-avropa-ittifaqi-ve-cine-munasibet\/","title":{"rendered":"AZ\u018fRBAYCAN \u0130CT\u0130MA\u0130 R\u018fY\u0130ND\u018f AVROPA\u00a0\u0130TT\u0130FAQI V\u018f \u00c7\u0130N\u018f M\u00dcNAS\u0130B\u018fT"},"content":{"rendered":"

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\u015e\u0259<\/strong>hla<\/strong> C<\/strong>\u018f<\/strong>L<\/strong>\u0130<\/strong>LZAD<\/strong>\u018f,<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sosial<\/em> T<\/em>\u0259<\/em>dqiqatlar<\/em> M<\/em>\u0259<\/em>rk<\/em>\u0259<\/em>zinin<\/em> ba<\/em>\u015f <\/em>m<\/em>\u0259<\/em>sl<\/em>\u0259<\/em>h<\/em>\u0259<\/em>t<\/em>\u00e7<\/em>isi <\/em>(Bak\u0131, Az\u0259rbaycan)<\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

E-mail: shahla.celilzade@stm.az<\/em><\/p>\n

ORCID ID: 0000-0002-7497-6706<\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

X\u00fclas\u0259. <\/strong>Qloballa\u015fma f\u0259rdl\u0259rin, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n toplumlar\u0131n m\u0259d\u0259ni v\u0259 ictimai-siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 hakim ideoloji t\u0259sirl\u0259r g\u00f6st\u0259r\u0259r\u0259k kimlikl\u0259rinin daha qlobal bir kimlik i\u00e7\u0259risind\u0259 \u0259rim\u0259sin\u0259 hesablansa da, bununla yana\u015f\u0131, haz\u0131rda f\u0259rdl\u0259rin, toplumlar\u0131n, d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin v\u0259 t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131n kimlik, aidiyyatl\u0131l\u0131q duy\u011fusu beyn\u0259lxalq m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259 he\u00e7 vaxt olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 q\u0259d\u0259r h\u0259ssas bir rol oynamaqdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu m\u0259qal\u0259d\u0259 milli kimliyi yaradan v\u0259 c\u0259miyy\u0259tin, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan c\u0259miyy\u0259tinin siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259l\u0259r toplusunun formala\u015fmas\u0131na t\u0259sir ed\u0259n t\u0259bii v\u0259 k\u0259nar faktorlar ara\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, 1991-ci ild\u0259 ikiq\u00fctbl\u00fc d\u00fcnya d\u00fcz\u0259ninin l\u0259\u011fv olunmas\u0131ndan sonra haz\u0131rda Rusiya v\u0259 \u00c7in liderliyind\u0259 \u015e\u0259rq bloku il\u0259 AB\u015e v\u0259 A\u0130 liderliyind\u0259 Q\u0259rb bloku aras\u0131nda yenid\u0259n q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 meyill\u0259ri t\u0259hlil olunmu\u015f, Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n 2020-ci il V\u0259t\u0259n m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonra bu q\u00fctbl\u0259r aras\u0131nda siyas\u0259t \u015f\u0259kill\u0259ndirm\u0259si izah olunmu\u015f, az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259sind\u0259 A\u0130 v\u0259 \u00c7in\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259ti formala\u015fd\u0131ran amill\u0259r ictimai r\u0259y sor\u011fusu \u0259sas\u0131nda \u00f6yr\u0259nilm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r.<\/p>\n

A\u00e7ar s\u00f6zl\u0259r: <\/strong>milli kimlik, siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259, q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259, A\u0130, \u00c7in, Az\u0259rbaycan<\/p>\n

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Giri\u015f<\/strong><\/p>\n

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1991-ci ild\u0259 m\u00fcst\u0259qilliyini b\u0259rpa ed\u0259n m\u00fcasir Az\u0259rbaycan m\u0259hz 2023-c\u00fc ilin 20 sentyabr\u0131nda, 1 g\u00fcnl\u00fck antiterror t\u0259dbirl\u0259ri n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 30 ild\u0259n art\u0131q davam ed\u0259n i\u015f\u011fala v\u0259 separatizm\u0259 bird\u0259f\u0259lik son qoyaraq beyn\u0259lxalq h\u00fcquqla tan\u0131nan \u0259razil\u0259ri \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 ali hakimiyy\u0259ti tam olaraq t\u0259sis etm\u0259y\u0259 nail oldu. 20 sentybarda Az\u0259rbaycan Respublikas\u0131n\u0131n D\u00f6vl\u0259t Suverenliyi G\u00fcn\u00fc qeyd edildiyi tarixi g\u00fcnd\u0259n d\u00fcnyan\u0131n siyasi x\u0259rit\u0259sin\u0259 baxark\u0259n 200-\u0259 yax\u0131n suveren d\u00f6vl\u0259t g\u00f6rm\u0259k olar ki, onlar\u0131n h\u0259r birinin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u0259m\u0259xsus yaranma v\u0259 milli kimliyinin formala\u015fma tarix\u00e7\u0259si vard\u0131r. Az\u0259rbaycan xalq\u0131n\u0131n, y\u0259ni \u0259sas\u0259n t\u00fcrk-m\u00fcs\u0259lman toplumunun milli kimliyinin, siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259sinin formala\u015fmas\u0131 v\u0259 yaratd\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259t\u00e7ilik tarixi q\u0259dim olsa da, m\u00fcasir beyn\u0259lxalq m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259r sisteminin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 hal\u0131na 1918-ci ild\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259n Az\u0259rbaycan Respublikas\u0131 bir ne\u00e7\u0259 tarixi-siyasi formasiyadan (1918-1920-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 I respublika, 1920-1991-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 II respublika) ke\u00e7\u0259r\u0259k bug\u00fcnk\u00fc hal\u0131n\u0131 alm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r. Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n geostrateji bax\u0131mdan h\u0259ssas bir n\u00f6qt\u0259d\u0259 yerl\u0259\u015fm\u0259si, t\u0259bii ke\u00e7id rolu v\u0259 z\u0259nginlikl\u0259ri, tarixi-siyasi prosesl\u0259rin yaratd\u0131\u011f\u0131 irs\u0259 sahiblik \u2013 b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar \u00f6lk\u0259nin xarici t\u0259sirl\u0259rl\u0259 \u00fcz-\u00fcz\u0259 qalmas\u0131 il\u0259 yana\u015f\u0131 m\u00fcasir siyas\u0259tinin \u015f\u0259kill\u0259nm\u0259sind\u0259 rol oynay\u0131r. Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n xarici siyas\u0259t \u015f\u0259kill\u0259ndirm\u0259sind\u0259 son 30 ild\u0259 \u0259razi b\u00fct\u00f6vl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u0259 h\u00f6rm\u0259t prinsipi \u00f6n planda olub. Tarix\u0259n \u015e\u0259rq al\u0259minin bir hiss\u0259si olan, SSR\u0130 t\u0259rkibind\u0259 \u201c\u015e\u0259rq\u201d blokunda yer alan Az\u0259rbaycan 1991-ci ild\u0259n sonra h\u0259rbi-siyasi v\u0259 milli t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik s\u0259n\u0259dl\u0259rind\u0259 Q\u0259rbl\u0259, Avro-Atlantik strukturlarla \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131xarsa da, \u00f6t\u0259n q\u0259rin\u0259 \u0259rzind\u0259 enerji t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizliyi siyas\u0259ti \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259sind\u0259 A\u0130-nin 10 \u00f6lk\u0259si il\u0259 strateji \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q s\u0259viyy\u0259sind\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259r t\u0259sis olunsa da, \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc \u015e\u0259rql\u0259 Q\u0259rb aras\u0131nda m\u00fch\u00fcm ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6lk\u0259 kimi t\u0259qdim etmi\u015fdir. Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, ke\u00e7iril\u0259n ictimai r\u0259y sor\u011fular\u0131na g\u00f6r\u0259, az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc \u0259sas\u0259n T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olaraq g\u00f6rm\u0259kd\u0259 v\u0259 haz\u0131rda ged\u0259r\u0259k yenid\u0259n q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015f\u0259n d\u00fcnyada \u201cQ\u0259rb\u201d blokunun t\u0259msil\u00e7isi A\u0130 il\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 \u201c\u015e\u0259rq\u201d blokunun t\u0259msil\u00e7isi \u00c7in\u0259 daha \u00e7ox g\u00fcv\u0259n v\u0259 etibar duymaqdad\u0131rlar. Bunu t\u0259\u015fviq ed\u0259n bir s\u0131ra amill\u0259r vard\u0131r ki, bu m\u0259qal\u0259d\u0259 bu amill\u0259r ara\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r.<\/p>\n

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    \n
  1. Milli kimlik v\u0259 siyasi <\/strong>d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259nin formala\u015fmas\u0131<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

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    Kimlik ara\u015fd\u0131rmalar\u0131 \u0259n q\u0259dim filosoflardan Sokrat\u0131n \u201c\u00d6z\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131!\u201d \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan ba\u015flayaraq [8], psixoanaliz elminin banisi Ziqmund Freydin ilk d\u0259f\u0259 elm\u0259 g\u0259tirdiyi \u201cetnik-m\u0259d\u0259ni kimlik\u201d ara\u015fd\u0131rmalar\u0131nad\u0259k f\u0259ls\u0259f\u0259nin \u0259sas m\u00f6vzular\u0131ndan biri olmu\u015f [15], Erik Eriksonun \u201cpsixososial kimlik\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 inki\u015faf etdirm\u0259si il\u0259 birlikd\u0259 1960-c\u0131 ill\u0259rd\u0259 psixologiyadan sosial elml\u0259rin dig\u0259r sah\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n sosiologiyaya n\u00fcfuz etmi\u015f, 1990-c\u0131 ill\u0259rd\u0259 is\u0259 beyn\u0259lxalq m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259r n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259l\u0259rinin \u0259sas ara\u015fd\u0131rma m\u00f6vzular\u0131ndan birin\u0259 \u00e7evrilmi\u015fdir [19].<\/p>\n

    \u201cMilli kimlik\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 toplumun f\u0259rqli etno-m\u0259d\u0259ni d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259rinin \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 yer alan birl\u0259\u015fdirici, \u00fcmumi siyasi d\u0259y\u0259r yaradan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259l\u0259r toplusu olaraq ifad\u0259 edil\u0259 bil\u0259r. Bu g\u00fcn BMT-y\u0259 \u00fczv d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin 10%-d\u0259n az\u0131 etnik-homogen mill\u0259t-d\u00f6vl\u0259tdir. Milli kimlik m\u00fcxt\u0259lif etnik-dini-irqi kateqoriyal\u0131 insanlardan ibar\u0259t toplumun i\u00e7\u0259risind\u0259n birg\u0259 ke\u00e7diyi tarixi-siyasi prosesl\u0259rin, h\u0259m\u00e7inin onlar\u0131n \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259, y\u0259ni toplumsal siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259nin formala\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn apar\u0131lan ideoloji-t\u0259bli\u011fat i\u015finin n\u0259tic\u0259si olaraq d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndiril\u0259 bil\u0259r. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, milli kimlik in\u015fa olunan \u2013 konstuktivist n\u0259z\u0259ri yana\u015fman\u0131n n\u0259tic\u0259sidir [34; 36]. Aleksandr Vendtin banisi oldu\u011fu sosial konstruktivizm n\u0259z\u0259riyy\u0259sin\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259, ictimai \u015f\u00fcur, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n toplumun kollektiv siyasi \u015f\u00fcurunun d\u00f6vl\u0259t siyas\u0259ti \u0259sas\u0131nda formala\u015fd\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddia olunur [38]. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, toplumun siyasi davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259tin (m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n bir d\u00f6vr \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn) aynas\u0131 olub [12], o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n sosial-psixoloji yana\u015fmalar k\u0259nar faktorlar il\u0259 birba\u015fa \u0259laq\u0259lidir [10].<\/p>\n

    Kimliyin yarad\u0131lan v\u0259 d\u0259yi\u015fdiril\u0259 bil\u0259n x\u00fcsusiyy\u0259ti n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 al\u0131naraq qeyd etm\u0259k olar ki, toplumlar\u0131n daha b\u00f6y\u00fck t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik \u00e7\u0259tiri alt\u0131nda birl\u0259\u015fdirilm\u0259sind\u0259 t\u0259bli\u011fat v\u0259 ideoloji paradigmalar m\u00fch\u00fcm rol oynay\u0131r. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Rusiyada 1917-ci ild\u0259 l\u0259\u011fv olunan \u00c7arl\u0131q rejiminin yerind\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259ti \u0259l\u0259 alan bol\u015fevikl\u0259r Sovet \u00fcsul-idar\u0259si il\u0259 rus identikliyinin, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n \u201crus avrasiya\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n\u201d yeni bir format\u0131n\u0131 yaratma\u011fa nail olmu\u015fdular [7]. Bunun \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn onlar Q\u0259rb imperializmin\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 \u015e\u0259rqin \u0259zil\u0259n xalqlar\u0131n\u0131n t\u0259msil\u00e7isi v\u0259 \u201cq\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 bayraqdar\u0131\u201d siyasi imicini se\u00e7mi\u015fdil\u0259r. Yaxud, vahid Avropa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259si tamamil\u0259 ideoloji in\u015fa olunmu\u015f bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259dir [30]. \u018fvv\u0259ll\u0259r birl\u0259\u015fdirici funskiyan\u0131n da\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olaraq Katolik kils\u0259si Avropan\u0131 vahid ideya il\u0259 t\u0259min edirdi. Daha sonra dini par\u00e7alanma, XIX \u0259srd\u0259 is\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn Avropan\u0131 b\u00fcr\u00fcy\u0259n etnik milliy\u0259t\u00e7ilik, nasional sosializm v\u0259 fa\u015fizm ideyalar\u0131 il\u0259 davam ed\u0259n b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u0259 \u0259r\u0259f\u0259sind\u0259 ik\u0259n \u201cbirl\u0259\u015fdirici v\u0259 xilasedici\u201d pan-Avropa ideyas\u0131 do\u011fdu. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczd\u0259 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n m\u00fch\u00fcm siyasi-iqtisadi v\u0259 m\u0259d\u0259ni g\u00fcc m\u0259rk\u0259zl\u0259rind\u0259n birin\u0259 \u00e7evril\u0259n Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 indiki formas\u0131n\u0131 Soyuq Sava\u015f\u0131n ba\u015fa \u00e7atmas\u0131 v\u0259 Almaniyan\u0131n birl\u0259\u015fm\u0259si sonras\u0131 1992-ci ilin Maastrix sazi\u015fi il\u0259 qazansa da [16], 1951-ci ilin \u201cK\u00f6m\u00fcr v\u0259 Polad Birliyi\u201d v\u0259 1957-ci ilin \u201cAvropa Atom Enerjisi Birliyi\u201dnin t\u0259m\u0259ll\u0259ri \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 quruldu\u011fu qeyd oluna bil\u0259r. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, A\u0130 \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259sind\u0259 Avropa \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn vahid d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259r, h\u00fcquq normalar\u0131, iqtisadi-siyasi \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q modeli yarad\u0131ld\u0131. B\u0259nz\u0259r \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 T\u00fcrk D\u00fcnyas\u0131 ideyas\u0131 Avropa v\u0259 Asiyan\u0131n t\u00fcrk toplumlar\u0131n\u0131 birl\u0259\u015fdir\u0259n vahid ideoloji-siyasi bir istiqam\u0259t olaraq g\u00f6st\u0259ril\u0259 bil\u0259r. Bu geosiyasi termin x\u00fcsusil\u0259 SSR\u0130-nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 sonras\u0131 m\u00fcst\u0259qil t\u00fcrk d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiy\u0259nin \u201crol model\u201d olaraq q\u0259bul edilm\u0259si v\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rin t\u00fcrk amili \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259n d\u0259rinl\u0259\u015fdirilm\u0259sini \u0259sas alsa da, t\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck v\u0259 turan\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q ideyalar\u0131 tarixi daha q\u0259dimdir.<\/p>\n

    Az\u0259rbaycanda milli intibah XIX \u0259srin ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131na t\u0259sad\u00fcf edir. M\u0259hz bu d\u00f6vrd\u0259 h\u0259m Az\u0259rbaycan daxilind\u0259 milli fikir v\u0259 siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259y\u0259 dair m\u00fczakir\u0259l\u0259r canlanm\u0131\u015f, tarixi \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tli \u0259s\u0259rl\u0259r meydana g\u0259lmi\u015f, h\u0259m d\u0259 \u00f6lk\u0259 xaricind\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan ad\u0131 s\u0259sl\u0259ndirilm\u0259y\u0259 ba\u015flam\u0131\u015fd\u0131. \u0130ntibah d\u00f6vr\u00fc Az\u0259rbaycanda milli kimlik v\u0259 \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcd\u0259rk ilk d\u0259f\u0259 Mirz\u0259 F\u0259t\u0259li Axundovla ba\u015flam\u0131\u015fd\u0131r. Alman jurnal\u0131 \u201cMagazin f\u00fcr die Literatur des Auslandes\u201dd\u0259 (1852) \u201cQafqaz\u0131n Molyeri\u201d adland\u0131r\u0131lan Axundov xalq\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n milli kimliyini \u015e\u0259rq despotizmind\u0259n qurtulu\u015fda g\u00f6r\u00fcr v\u0259 bizi Q\u0259rbl\u0259 identikl\u0259\u015fdirm\u0259y\u0259 c\u0259hd edirdi [5]. O, Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n bilin\u0259n ilk sekulyar d\u00f6vl\u0259t\u00e7ilik t\u0259r\u0259fdar\u0131 idi. XX \u0259srd\u0259 is\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan-t\u00fcrk ictimai-siyasi fikrinin \u0259n g\u00f6rk\u0259mli n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n, t\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck v\u0259 pant\u00fcrkizm ideyalar\u0131n\u0131n t\u0259msil\u00e7il\u0259rind\u0259n olan \u018fli b\u0259y H\u00fcseynzad\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n \u201cTuran\u201d \u015feiri il\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259kd\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan d\u00f6vl\u0259t\u00e7iliyinin t\u0259m\u0259l prinsipl\u0259ri olacaq \u201cM\u00fcasirl\u0259\u015fm\u0259k\u201d, \u201c\u0130slamla\u015fmaq\u201d prinsipi il\u0259 yana\u015f\u0131 \u201cT\u00fcrkl\u0259\u015fm\u0259k\u201d prinsipi \u00f6n\u0259 s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015fd\u00fcr.[2; 3] Az\u0259rbaycanda tarix\u0259n t\u00fcrk-m\u00fcs\u0259lmanlar \u00e7oxluq t\u0259\u015fkil etdiyi \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn burada t\u0259bii t\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck, Turan\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q meyill\u0259ri qabar\u0131q olub. T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fcy\u00fcn \u0259d\u0259bi v\u0259 f\u0259ls\u0259fi car\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 1910-1920-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 dominant olmu\u015flarsa da, milli kimliyin t\u00fcrk olaraq adland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 1918-1935-ci ill\u0259r istisna olmaqla maarif\u00e7ilik v\u0259 milli intibah d\u00f6vr\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015flanmas\u0131ndan Sovet d\u00f6vr\u00fcn\u00fcn sonunad\u0259k, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n m\u00fcst\u0259qilliyin ilk ill\u0259ri istisna olmaqla, indiy\u0259d\u0259k milli kimliyin adland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda \u201caz\u0259rbaycan\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q\u201d \u00fcst\u00fcn m\u00f6vqeyini qorumu\u015fdur. SSR\u0130-nin t\u0259sis olunmas\u0131 Az\u0259rbaycan co\u011frafiyas\u0131n\u0131 Turan\/pant\u00fcrkizm ideologiyas\u0131ndan uzaqla\u015fd\u0131rd\u0131. M\u0259hz Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131 T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 t\u0259sirind\u0259n uzaqla\u015fd\u0131rmaq m\u0259qs\u0259dil\u0259 sovet d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 \u201cAz\u0259rbaycan\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa\u201d \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck verilmi\u015fdir. Lakin bu ideologiyan\u0131 sad\u0259c\u0259 \u00c7ar Rusiyas\u0131, yaxud sovet maraqlar\u0131 il\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259ndirm\u0259k yanl\u0131\u015f olard\u0131. AXC-nin banisi M.\u018f.R\u0259sulzad\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan mill\u0259ti u\u011frunda m\u00fcbariz\u0259 aparanlar\u0131 t\u00fcrk irqin\u0259 m\u0259nsub hesab ets\u0259 d\u0259, milli kimliyi dig\u0259r t\u00fcrk q\u00f6vml\u0259rind\u0259n ay\u0131rd ed\u0259r\u0259k \u201caz\u0259rbaycanl\u0131\u201d adland\u0131rm\u0131\u015f v\u0259 pant\u00fcrkistl\u0259rin yeni yaranacaq d\u00f6vl\u0259ti \u201cQafqaz T\u00fcrk Respublikas\u0131\u201d adland\u0131rma \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131na baxmayaraq \u201cAz\u0259rbaycan Xalq Cumhuriyy\u0259ti\u201d adland\u0131rma\u011fa \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck vermi\u015fdi.<\/p>\n

    Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, qeyd etm\u0259k laz\u0131md\u0131r ki, Osmanl\u0131n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131lma\u011fa ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6vrd\u0259 v\u00fcs\u0259t qazanan pant\u00fcrkizm, turan\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q ideologiyas\u0131n\u0131n qay\u0259si, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n 15 sentyabr 1918-ci ild\u0259 AXC-nin paytaxt\u0131 Bak\u0131n\u0131 yadelli i\u015f\u011fal\u00e7\u0131lardan azad ed\u0259n Qafqaz \u0130slam Ordusunun \u0259sas amal\u0131 Turan d\u00f6vl\u0259ti yaratmaq idi. Bel\u0259 ki, Osmanl\u0131 komandanlar\u0131 T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 \u0259hat\u0259 ed\u0259n xalqlar\u0131n m\u00fcst\u0259qillik sava\u015flar\u0131na d\u0259st\u0259k ver\u0259r\u0259k, daha sonra onlar\u0131n vahid \u00e7\u0259tir alt\u0131nda birl\u0259\u015fdirilm\u0259sin\u0259 nail olmaq ist\u0259yirdi [13; 14]. Lakin Osmanl\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin s\u00fcqutu, T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 C\u00fcmhuriyy\u0259tinin is\u0259 f\u0259rqli siyasi-ideoloji kursa k\u00f6kl\u0259nm\u0259si, bu prosesin inki\u015faf\u0131n\u0131 qar\u015f\u0131dak\u0131 100 il \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn durdurdu. 1991-ci ild\u0259 SSR\u0130 s\u00fcqut etdiyi zaman T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131 ideyas\u0131 t\u0259krar dir\u00e7\u0259lm\u0259y\u0259 ba\u015flad\u0131. T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 C\u00fcmhuriyy\u0259tinin Prezidenti Turqut \u00d6zal XXI \u0259sri \u201cT\u00fcrk \u0259sri\u201d b\u0259yan etmi\u015f, Ba\u015f nazir S\u00fcleyman D\u0259mir\u0259l \u201cAdriatikd\u0259n \u00c7in s\u0259ddin\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131\u201d ifad\u0259sini g\u00fcnd\u0259m\u0259 g\u0259tirmi\u015f [9], Az\u0259rbaycan Respublikas\u0131n\u0131n \u00dcmummilli lideri, 1993-2003-c\u00fc ill\u0259rd\u0259 Prezident olan Heyd\u0259r \u018fliyev T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 v\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycana xitab\u0259n \u201cBir mill\u0259t, iki d\u00f6vl\u0259t\u201d \u015f\u00fcar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0259sl\u0259ndirmi\u015f, Prezident \u0130lham \u018fliyev is\u0259 bu siyas\u0259ti bir az da ir\u0259li apararaq 7 m\u00fcst\u0259qil t\u00fcrk d\u00f6vl\u0259tinin vahid t\u0259\u015fkilati \u00e7\u0259tir alt\u0131nda daha s\u0131x birl\u0259\u015fdirilm\u0259si \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u00fch\u00fcm i\u015fl\u0259r g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015fd\u00fcr. T\u0259sad\u00fcfi deyil ki, az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n b\u00f6y\u00fck \u0259ks\u0259riyy\u0259ti \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olaraq g\u00f6r\u00fcr v\u0259 hiss edir. Bu, ke\u00e7iril\u0259n ictimai r\u0259y sor\u011fular\u0131n\u0131n n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 d\u0259 yans\u0131y\u0131r. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Sosial T\u0259dqiqatlar M\u0259rk\u0259zinin 14-17 may 2023-c\u00fc il tarixl\u0259rind\u0259 384 respondentl\u0259 ke\u00e7irdiyi sor\u011funun n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259, \u0259halinin 83,6%-i \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc t\u00fcrk d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin\u0259 daha yax\u0131n hiss etdiyini bildirmi\u015fdi. Sor\u011fu n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259ri g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, respondentl\u0259rin c\u0259mi 2,1%-i \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc Q\u0259rb \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 daha yax\u0131n hiss edir. Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, 12% respondent islam \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259ri, 8,6% \u201cpostsovet \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259ri\u201d cavab\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015fdir [6].<\/p>\n

    Bu h\u0259m Az\u0259rbaycanda toplumun ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarixi-siyasi prosesl\u0259rin ard\u0131c\u0131ll\u0131\u011f\u0131nda formala\u015fan t\u0259bii ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131q olmaqla yana\u015f\u0131, h\u0259m d\u0259 apar\u0131lan d\u00f6vl\u0259t siyas\u0259tinin, ictimai-siyasi t\u0259bli\u011fat\u0131n n\u0259tic\u0259si olaraq qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndiril\u0259 bil\u0259r. Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n m\u0259d\u0259ni birlik \u015f\u0259klind\u0259 formala\u015fsa da, h\u0259rbi-siyasi v\u0259 iqtisadi blok olaraq h\u0259l\u0259 ki tam formala\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 alaraq Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik \u00e7\u0259tiri axtar\u0131\u015flar\u0131 xarici siyas\u0259tin istiqam\u0259tl\u0259nm\u0259sini \u015e\u0259rq-Q\u0259rb dilemmas\u0131 qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda qoyur.<\/p>\n

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      \n
    1. \u015e\u0259rq v\u0259 Q\u0259rb bloklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda <\/strong>yenid\u0259n q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

       <\/p>\n

      \u015e\u0259rq-Q\u0259rb qar\u015f\u0131durmas\u0131n\u0131n ideoloji k\u00f6kl\u0259rini axtarark\u0259n orta \u0259srl\u0259rd\u0259 \u0259r\u0259bl\u0259r v\u0259 t\u00fcrkl\u0259rl\u0259 \u00fcz-\u00fcz\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259n avropal\u0131lar\u0131n x\u00fcsusil\u0259 \u201cXa\u00e7l\u0131\u201d s\u0259f\u0259rl\u0259ri d\u00f6vr\u00fc, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n Q\u0259rb imperializmi v\u0259 bunun n\u0259tic\u0259si olan kolonializm d\u00f6vr\u00fc xat\u0131rlana bil\u0259r [11]. X\u00fcsusil\u0259 1917-ci ilin bol\u015fevik inqilab\u0131n\u0131n siyasi terminologiyada v\u0259 debatlarda \u015e\u0259rq-Q\u0259rb ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 d\u0259rinl\u0259\u015fdirmi\u015f oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fck. 1947-1991-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 AB\u015e-SSR\u0130 aras\u0131nda \u201csoyuq m\u00fcharib\u0259\u201d \u015e\u0259rq v\u0259 Q\u0259rb bloklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u201cd\u0259mir p\u0259rd\u0259\u201dnin \u00e7\u00f6km\u0259sin\u0259 s\u0259b\u0259b olmu\u015fdu. Bu d\u00f6vr pik h\u0259dd\u0259 \u00e7atan silah yar\u0131\u015f\u0131 (o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n n\u00fcv\u0259 silah\u0131 yar\u0131\u015f\u0131) il\u0259 xat\u0131rlan\u0131r. 1991-ci il\u0259d\u0259k “\u015e\u0259rq” blokunu SSR\u0130-nin r\u0259hb\u0259rliyi alt\u0131nda \u201cVar\u015fava M\u00fcqavil\u0259si T\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131\u201d, “Q\u0259rb” blokunu is\u0259 NATO t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik \u00e7\u0259tiri il\u0259 t\u0259min edirdi [29]. II D\u00fcnya m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonra Fukuyaman\u0131n adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201ctarixin sonu\u201dna do\u011fru (y\u0259ni SSR\u0130-nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131nad\u0259k) \u015e\u0259rq v\u0259 Q\u0259rb bloklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015f\u0259n d\u00fcnyada bu g\u00fcn g\u0259rginliyin ged\u0259r\u0259k artd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259 edirik. 2020-ci ill\u0259r\u0259d\u0259k d\u00fcnyada ya\u015fanan xaotik nizams\u0131zl\u0131q d\u00f6vr\u00fcnd\u0259 \u00c7in \u015e\u0259rqin y\u00fcks\u0259l\u0259n g\u00fcc\u00fc olaraq siyasi, iqtisadi v\u0259 h\u0259rbi blokla\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc olmaq potensial\u0131 qazanm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r [21].<\/p>\n

      Bu g\u00fcn d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin beyn\u0259lxalq h\u00fcquq normalar\u0131, y\u0259ni BMT nizamnam\u0259si il\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n tan\u0131nan co\u011frafi s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259rinin \u00f6n\u0259mi artmaqdad\u0131r. D\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r bu \u0259razi s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259rind\u0259 hakimiyy\u0259tl\u0259rini legitiml\u0259\u015fdirdikl\u0259ri d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 suverendirl\u0259r. Lakin reall\u0131qda beyn\u0259lxalq h\u00fcquq bu s\u0259rh\u0259dl\u0259rin qorunmas\u0131nda yet\u0259rsiz qald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn t\u0259\u015fkilatlanmalar, q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259l\u0259r v\u0259 ittifaqlar vacib al\u0259t kimi \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tini yenid\u0259n art\u0131rma\u011fa ba\u015flam\u0131\u015fd\u0131r. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, uzun on illikl\u0259r boyu \u00f6z \u201ct\u0259r\u0259fsizliyini\u201d elan ed\u0259n Finlandiya v\u0259 \u0130sve\u00e7in m\u00fcvafiq olaraq 2023 v\u0259 2024-c\u00fc ill\u0259rd\u0259 NATO-ya qo\u015fulmas\u0131 [20] m\u0259hz \u201c\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc m\u00fcdafi\u0259 instinktl\u0259rinin\u201d n\u0259tic\u0259si, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n d\u00fcnyada q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 meyill\u0259rinin ged\u0259r\u0259k artmas\u0131 kimi d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndiril\u0259 bil\u0259r.<\/p>\n

      Bu g\u00fcn Q\u0259rbin iqtisadi v\u0259 h\u0259rbi-siyasi t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik \u00e7\u0259tirini formala\u015fd\u0131ran A\u0130 v\u0259 NATO ekspertl\u0259ri, bir \u00e7ox azad t\u0259dqiqat\u00e7\u0131lar Q\u0259rb blokuna qar\u015f\u0131 Rusiya v\u0259 \u00c7ind\u0259n b\u0259hs etm\u0259kl\u0259 qalmay\u0131b, m\u00fcharib\u0259 ssenaril\u0259ri \u00fcz\u0259rind\u0259 fokuslanmaqdad\u0131rlar [21; 27; 31]. Art\u0131q AB\u015e-\u0131n h\u0259rbi strateji s\u0259n\u0259dl\u0259ri v\u0259 doktrinalar\u0131 \u00c7ini \u00e7\u0259kindirm\u0259k v\u0259 onun artan g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc z\u0259ifl\u0259tm\u0259k bar\u0259d\u0259 qeydl\u0259ri a\u00e7\u0131q m\u0259tnl\u0259 b\u0259yan edir.<\/p>\n

      \u00c7inin h\u0259rbi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn artmas\u0131 onun h\u0259rbi b\u00fcdc\u0259si v\u0259 h\u0259rbi-s\u0259naye yenilikl\u0259rind\u0259 ilkl\u0259r\u0259 imza atmas\u0131 il\u0259 qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndiril\u0259 bil\u0259r. “Soyuq m\u00fcharib\u0259”nin ba\u015fa \u00e7atd\u0131\u011f\u0131 1991-ci ild\u0259n b\u0259ri \u00c7inin h\u0259rbi b\u00fcdc\u0259si davaml\u0131 olaraq artaraq 2023-c\u00fc ild\u0259 224 milyard dollar olub. Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, qeyd olunmal\u0131d\u0131r ki, \u00c7inin h\u0259rbi x\u0259rcl\u0259ri 2023-c\u00fc il b\u00fcdc\u0259sind\u0259 qeyd olunandan daha \u00e7ox, y\u0259ni 296,4 milyard dollar olub. Qrafik 1-d\u0259 d\u00fcnyada \u0259n \u00e7ox h\u0259rbi x\u0259rcl\u0259ri olan d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri \u0259ks etdirir. Bu qrafikd\u0259n g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fcy\u00fc kimi, AB\u015e h\u0259l\u0259 d\u0259 siyah\u0131da birinciliyini qorumaqdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

      AB\u015e-dan Rusiya v\u0259 \u00c7in istiqam\u0259tind\u0259 artan t\u0259hdidl\u0259r, Q\u0259rb blokunun \u015e\u0259rq\u0259 do\u011fru yay\u0131lmas\u0131, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 Rusiya-Ukrayna m\u00fcharib\u0259si fonunda yenid\u0259n q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 g\u00f6st\u0259ricil\u0259ri \u00c7inin Rusiya il\u0259 birg\u0259 h\u0259rbi-siyasi, iqtisadi t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik \u00e7\u0259tirini geni\u015fl\u0259ndirm\u0259k mara\u011f\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131r. Bu m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259 BRICS v\u0259 \u015eanxay \u018fm\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q T\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n (\u015e\u018fT) alternativ qlobal idar\u0259\u00e7ilik modeli olaraq rolu g\u00fcnd\u0259n-g\u00fcn\u0259 artmaqda, \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc Q\u0259rbin qar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tapan d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin burada ged\u0259r\u0259k daha s\u0131x birl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 tendensiyas\u0131 m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259 olunmaqdad\u0131r [32].<\/p>\n

      Yarand\u0131qdan sonrak\u0131 15 ild\u0259 BRICS-\u0259 he\u00e7 bir yeni \u00fczv qat\u0131lmasa da, 2024-c\u00fc ild\u0259 \u00fczvl\u0259rin say\u0131 bird\u0259n-bir\u0259 ikiy\u0259 qatlanm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r [4]. Bel\u0259 ki, 2009-cu ild\u0259 5 \u00fczvl\u0259 yarad\u0131lan BR\u0130CS-\u0259 2024-c\u00fc ilin yanvar\u0131nda \u0130ran, Misir, Efiopiya v\u0259 Birl\u0259\u015fmi\u015f \u018fr\u0259b \u018fmirlikl\u0259ri qat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, S\u0259udiyy\u0259 \u018fr\u0259bistan\u0131n da \u00fczvl\u00fcy\u00fc g\u00fcnd\u0259m\u0259 g\u0259lmi\u015f, lakin h\u0259l\u0259 ki t\u0259sdiql\u0259nm\u0259mi\u015fdir. Argentina da 2023-c\u00fc ild\u0259 \u00fczvl\u00fck niyy\u0259tini b\u0259yan etmi\u015f, lakin daha sonra f\u0259rqli xarici siyasi kurs se\u00e7ildiyi \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn (\u00c7ind\u0259n as\u0131l\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n azald\u0131lmas\u0131 m\u0259qs\u0259dil\u0259) geri \u00e7\u0259kilmi\u015fdir. H\u0259tta Pakistan da \u00fczvl\u00fck \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u00fcraci\u0259t etmi\u015fdir. Lakin Hindistan\u0131n bu m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259d\u0259 m\u00f6vqeyi birm\u0259nal\u0131 olmayacaqd\u0131r. \u00c7in v\u0259 Hindistan aras\u0131nda tarixi r\u0259qab\u0259t (1962-ci ild\u0259 s\u0259rh\u0259d m\u00fcharib\u0259si olmu\u015f, Tibet m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259si indiy\u0259d\u0259k g\u00fcnd\u0259md\u0259 saxlan\u0131r) bu birliyin g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259yin\u0259 uzun m\u00fcdd\u0259t k\u00f6lg\u0259 salsa da, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u0259n odur ki, Hindistan da qlobal manevr imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 qorumaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn AB\u015e-la n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r isti m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259r saxlasa da, BR\u0130CS-d\u0259 \u00fczvl\u00fcy\u00fc r\u0259dd etmir. Bel\u0259 ki, 2014-c\u00fc ild\u0259 Hindistan AB\u015e-\u0131 \u201c\u0259sas m\u00fcdafi\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259fda\u015f\u0131\u201d olaraq b\u0259yan etmi\u015fdir. Bununla bel\u0259, BR\u0130CS-in yeni d\u00fcnya nizam\u0131nda yeni bir rol almas\u0131na Hindistan da d\u0259st\u0259k verir. T\u0259bii olaraq, burada apar\u0131c\u0131 q\u00fcvv\u0259 \u00c7indir. T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 v\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n da 2024-c\u00fc ilin avqustunda \u00fczvl\u00fck \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn niyy\u0259t b\u0259yan\u0131 etm\u0259si BR\u0130CS-in artan g\u00fcc\u00fc v\u0259 imkanlar\u0131 il\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259dard\u0131r. BR\u0130CS haz\u0131rda d\u00fcnya \u0259halisinin 46%-ni, d\u00fcnya \u00dcDM-nin 37,3%-ni, qlobal ixracat\u0131n 25%-ni \u0259hat\u0259 edir [17; 28]. Yeni \u00fczvl\u0259rin qat\u0131lmas\u0131 bu t\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131n co\u011frafi areal\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fl\u0259ndirm\u0259kl\u0259, burada ticar\u0259tin v\u0259 maliyy\u0259 nizamlamas\u0131n\u0131n, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 enerji\u2013neft-qaz sektorunda, h\u0259m\u00e7inin dig\u0259r sah\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 daha da g\u00fccl\u0259nm\u0259si, yeni t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik \u00e7\u0259tirinin formala\u015fmas\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7inin t\u0259sir sferas\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fl\u0259nm\u0259si dem\u0259kdir. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u0259n odur ki, Rusiya-Ukrayna m\u00fcharib\u0259si fonunda artan qlobal q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259d\u0259 d\u00fcnya d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri \u00f6z t\u0259r\u0259fl\u0259rini se\u00e7m\u0259lidirl\u0259r v\u0259 bir s\u0131ra d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r Q\u0259rbin artan t\u0259sirini neytralla\u015fd\u0131rmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn BR\u0130CS-\u0259 \u00fczvl\u00fcy\u00fc se\u00e7irl\u0259r. \u00c7in t\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131n geni\u015fl\u0259nm\u0259sind\u0259 maraql\u0131d\u0131r. Q\u0259rbl\u0259 \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q imkanlar\u0131 olmayan (m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, sanksiya alt\u0131nda olan Rusiya v\u0259 \u0130ran kimi) d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r d\u0259, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n Q\u0259rbl\u0259 manevr imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rmaq ist\u0259y\u0259n (Hindistan kimi) d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r d\u0259 BR\u0130CS-i \u00f6zl\u0259ri \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn faydal\u0131 platforma hesab edirl\u0259r. \u00c7\u00fcnki burada Q\u0259rbin t\u0259sis etdiyi ticari-maliyy\u0259 strukturlar\u0131na alternativl\u0259r t\u0259qdim olunur. H\u0259tta BR\u0130CS-in dollar\u0131n maliyy\u0259 g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc sonland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 ara\u015fd\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r [22; 26]. Yeni t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik \u00e7\u0259tirl\u0259ri d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin imkanlar\u0131n\u0131, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n sanksiyalardan yay\u0131nmaq imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n

       <\/p>\n

        \n
      1. Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n postm\u00fcharib\u0259 <\/strong>d\u00f6vr\u00fc reall\u0131qlar\u0131<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

         <\/p>\n

        Az\u0259rbaycan \u00f6t\u0259n onill\u0259rd\u0259 h\u0259m Q\u0259rb, h\u0259m \u015e\u0259rq bloklar\u0131n\u0131n maraqlar\u0131n\u0131n k\u0259si\u015fdiyi, lakin toqqu\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q platformas\u0131 yaratma\u011f\u0131 bacar\u0131b. Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n h\u0259r iki blok \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn etibarl\u0131 t\u0259r\u0259fda\u015f oldu\u011funu h\u0259l\u0259 44 g\u00fcnl\u00fck V\u0259t\u0259n m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n \u0259vv\u0259l h\u0259yata ke\u00e7iril\u0259n enerji, n\u0259qliyyat-infrastruktur layih\u0259l\u0259ri, h\u0259m\u00e7inin qlobal inisativl\u0259rin Bak\u0131da ba\u015f tutmas\u0131, m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, 2019-cu ilin noyabr ay\u0131nda NATO-Rusiya r\u0259smil\u0259rinin Bak\u0131dak\u0131 ikit\u0259r\u0259fli g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc s\u00fcbut edir. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f regionun g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259k taleyinin m\u0259hz Az\u0259rbaycanda h\u0259ll edildiyini n\u00fcmayi\u015f etdirir.<\/p>\n

        Maraql\u0131d\u0131r ki, Az\u0259rbaycan Respublikas\u0131n\u0131n 2007-ci ild\u0259 q\u0259bul edil\u0259n Milli T\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik Konsepsiyas\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131q \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 qeyd olunub ki, Az\u0259rbaycan \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc Avro-Atlantik, y\u0259ni Q\u0259rb t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik arxitekturas\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131lmaz bir halqas\u0131 olaraq g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Lakin m\u00fcst\u0259qilliyin \u0259ld\u0259 olunmas\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u0259n ill\u0259r \u0259rzind\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n Q\u0259rb\u0259 inteqrasiyas\u0131 ba\u015f tutmad\u0131. Buna bir s\u0131ra milli-daxili siyasi, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n xarici, regional amill\u0259r s\u0259b\u0259b olmu\u015fdusa, eyni zamanda burada Q\u0259rbin Az\u0259rbayana m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 q\u0259r\u0259zli m\u00f6vqeyinin d\u0259 rolu vur\u011fulana bil\u0259r. Erm\u0259nistan is\u0259 indiy\u0259d\u0259k Q\u0259rb\u0259 \u0259ks olan q\u00fctbd\u0259 – KTMT-d\u0259 m\u00f6vcuddur. Erm\u0259nistan Ba\u015f naziri Pa\u015finyan\u0131n de-fakto olaraq Erm\u0259nistan\u0131n KTMT-d\u0259 \u00fczvl\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fc 12 iyul 2023-c\u00fc il tarixind\u0259 dondurdu\u011funu elan etm\u0259sin\u0259 baxmayaraq, \u00f6lk\u0259 r\u0259smi olaraq t\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131 t\u0259rk etm\u0259yib. Rusiya-Avropa aras\u0131ndak\u0131 g\u0259rginlikd\u0259 Q\u0259rby\u00f6n\u00fcml\u00fc siyas\u0259t il\u0259 \u00f6zl\u0259ri \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn fayda \u0259ld\u0259 etm\u0259y\u0259, Q\u0259rbin bir s\u0131ra iqtisadi-siyasi, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n h\u0259rbi mexanizml\u0259rind\u0259n (Avropa S\u00fclh Mexanizmi) faydalanma\u011fa \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Erm\u0259nistan [23] faktiki olaraq Rusiya il\u0259 iqtisadi m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rini n\u0259inki qorumaqda davam edir, h\u0259tta \u00f6t\u0259n d\u00f6vrd\u0259 bir ne\u00e7\u0259 d\u0259f\u0259 art\u0131rm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r. Bel\u0259 ki, Rusiya il\u0259 Erm\u0259nistan aras\u0131nda ticar\u0259t d\u00f6vriyy\u0259si 2020-ci ild\u0259 c\u0259mi 2,3 milyard dollar idis\u0259, 2023-c\u00fc ild\u0259 bu r\u0259q\u0259m 7,3 milyard dollar olmu\u015f, 2024-c\u00fc ilin sonunda is\u0259 14-16 milyard dollar olaca\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6zl\u0259nilir [40] ki, bu da \u00fcmumilikd\u0259 Erm\u0259nistan\u0131n Rusiyaya Q\u0259rb sanksiyalar\u0131ndan yay\u0131nmaqda d\u0259st\u0259k g\u00f6st\u0259rm\u0259si kimi d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndirilir. Lakin 2023-c\u00fc ilin noyabr\u0131nda Avropa Parlamentind\u0259 q\u0259bul olunan \u201cRusiya \u0259leyhin\u0259 sanksiyalar\u0131n effektivliyi haqq\u0131nda\u201d q\u0259tnam\u0259d\u0259 [24] Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n ad\u0131 \u00e7\u0259kilir, Az\u0259rbaycandan Avropaya \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcl\u0259n qaz\u0131n Rusiyaya aid olmas\u0131 bar\u0259d\u0259 qeyd yer al\u0131r. Halbuki, Rusiyan\u0131n sanksiyalardan yay\u0131nmas\u0131nda real olaraq i\u015ftirak ed\u0259n Erm\u0259nistan\u0131n ad\u0131 bu q\u0259tnam\u0259d\u0259 \u00e7\u0259kilmir. Bu is\u0259, t\u0259bii olaraq, Az\u0259rbaycanda h\u0259m d\u00f6vl\u0259t, h\u0259m d\u0259 c\u0259miyy\u0259t s\u0259viyy\u0259sind\u0259 Avropa istitutlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6lk\u0259mizl\u0259 \u0259laq\u0259dar m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 q\u0259r\u0259zli yana\u015fmas\u0131, erm\u0259nip\u0259r\u0259st bax\u0131\u015f\u0131 v\u0259 ikitir\u0259lilik olaraq qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndirilir.<\/p>\n

        Avropa institutlar\u0131 v\u0259 bir s\u0131ra d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rinin Erm\u0259nistana x\u00fcsusil\u0259 II Qaraba\u011f m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonra artan d\u0259st\u0259yi is\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n Q\u0259rb t\u0259sisatlar\u0131 il\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rini yenid\u0259n d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndirm\u0259sin\u0259 g\u0259tirib \u00e7\u0131xarm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r. Bel\u0259 ki, b\u00fct\u00fcn az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn m\u00fcq\u0259dd\u0259s 44 g\u00fcnl\u00fck V\u0259t\u0259n m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n, y\u0259ni 27 sentyabr \u2013 9 noyabr 2020-ci il tarixl\u0259rini \u0259hat\u0259 ed\u0259n II Qaraba\u011f m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonra Q\u0259rbin ciddi \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycana qar\u015f\u0131 t\u0259\u015fkilatland\u0131\u011f\u0131, Az\u0259rbaycan \u0259leyhin\u0259 siyasi v\u0259 sanksiya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015flar\u0131 edildiyi, b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n Avropa qanunverici orqan\u0131 olan Avropa Parlamenti \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259sind\u0259 d\u0259st\u0259kl\u0259ndiyi xat\u0131rlana bil\u0259r. Erm\u0259ni iddialar\u0131 \u0259sas\u0131nda AT\u018fT-d\u0259 (erm\u0259ni h\u0259rbi \u0259sirl\u0259r\u0259 dair 20 may 2021-ci il [37]), Avropa Parlamentind\u0259 (Da\u011fl\u0131q Qaraba\u011fda m\u0259d\u0259ni irsin m\u0259hv olunmas\u0131na dair 10 mart 2022-ci il [25], Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n h\u00fccumundan sonra Da\u011fl\u0131q Qaraba\u011fda v\u0259ziyy\u0259t v\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n Erm\u0259nistana qar\u015f\u0131 t\u0259hdidl\u0259rin\u0259 dair 5 oktyabr 2023-c\u00fc il) v\u0259 Avropa \u015euras\u0131nda (Erm\u0259nistan-Az\u0259rbaycan m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rin\u0259 Avropa d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rinin bax\u0131\u015f\u0131na dair 18 oktyabr 2023-c\u00fc il [38]) q\u0259bul edil\u0259n b\u0259yanatlar, q\u0259tnam\u0259l\u0259r, edil\u0259n a\u00e7\u0131qlamalar\u0131n h\u0259r birind\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan \u0259leyhin\u0259 bir s\u0131ra m\u0259qamlar, q\u0259r\u0259zli bax\u0131\u015flar v\u0259 \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015flar yer almaqdad\u0131r. Bu bax\u0131mdan Avropa Parlamentinin 5 oktyabr tarixli q\u0259tnam\u0259si x\u00fcsusi s\u0259rtliyi, Az\u0259rbaycana qar\u015f\u0131 sanksiya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ifad\u0259 etm\u0259si, A\u0130 il\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan aras\u0131nda enerji-iqtisadi \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 yenid\u0259n bax\u0131lmas\u0131 t\u0259l\u0259bini ir\u0259li s\u00fcrm\u0259si il\u0259 se\u00e7ilir. H\u0259m\u00e7inin, A\u015ePA-da Az\u0259rbaycan n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259 hey\u0259tinin f\u0259aliyy\u0259tinin 1 yanvar 2024-c\u00fc ild\u0259n etibar\u0259n bir illik dondurulmas\u0131, 2024-c\u00fc ilin may ay\u0131nda Az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131 r\u0259smil\u0259r\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 (Maqnitski Akt\u0131 \u0259sas\u0131nda) sanksiya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131 ed\u0259n Avropa Parlamenti n\u00fcmay\u0259nd\u0259l\u0259rinin birg\u0259 b\u0259yanat\u0131, 2024-c\u00fc ilin sentyabr\u0131nda konqresmen Adam \u015eiff t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n AB\u015e Konqresin\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycana sanksiya t\u0259tbiq olunmas\u0131na dair qanun layih\u0259sinin t\u0259qdim olunmas\u0131 xat\u0131rlana bil\u0259r. Qeyd etm\u0259k laz\u0131md\u0131r ki, bu sanksiya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131 ilk olaraq Erm\u0259ni Amerikan Komit\u0259si t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n AB\u015e qanunverici sisteminin m\u00fczakir\u0259sin\u0259 \u00e7\u0131xar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, m\u0259hz qlobal erm\u0259ni \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259sinin d\u0259st\u0259yi il\u0259 Avropa qanunverici sisteminin m\u00fczakir\u0259 platformas\u0131na daxil olmu\u015fdur [18].<\/p>\n

        Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n reinteqrasiya siyas\u0259tin\u0259 m\u00fch\u00fcm m\u0259n\u0259vi z\u0259rb\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n biri Avropa c\u0259bh\u0259sind\u0259n g\u0259lm\u0259kd\u0259dir. Bir s\u0131ra Avropa d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri v\u0259 t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 Fransa Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n sivil reinteqrasiya proqram\u0131n\u0131 diskreditasiya ed\u0259n, reinteqrasiya siyas\u0259tin\u0259 t\u0259sir ed\u0259n b\u0259yanatlar verir, Erm\u0259nistan\u0131n silahland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 il\u0259 revan\u015fist q\u00fcvv\u0259l\u0259rin m\u00f6vqeyinin g\u00fccl\u0259ndirilm\u0259sin\u0259 d\u0259st\u0259k verirl\u0259r. Bu, C\u0259nubi Qafqazda m\u00fcnaqi\u015f\u0259 oca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6nm\u0259sin\u0259 qoymayan, g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259kd\u0259 yenid\u0259n alovland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na hesablanan add\u0131m kimi Az\u0259rbaycan t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n olduqca m\u0259nfi qar\u015f\u0131lanmaqdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

        B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar siyas\u0259t al\u0259mind\u0259n ictimai \u015f\u00fcura n\u00fcfuz ed\u0259r\u0259k Az\u0259rbaycan c\u0259miyy\u0259tind\u0259 Q\u0259rb\u0259 v\u0259 onun t\u0259msil\u00e7isi olan A\u0130-y\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fcv\u0259nsizlik v\u0259 neqativ hisl\u0259rin yaranmas\u0131na, \u201cerm\u0259nip\u0259r\u0259st Avropa\u201d alq\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n formala\u015fmas\u0131na s\u0259b\u0259b olur. Halbuki, Az\u0259rbaycan ayr\u0131l\u0131qda 10 Avropa \u00f6lk\u0259si il\u0259 strateji \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q sazi\u015fin\u0259 malikdir v\u0259 onlar\u0131n enerji t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizliyini t\u0259min edir [1]. Lakin Avropan\u0131n bu siyas\u0259ti fonunda az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n \u015f\u00fcurunda m\u00f6vcud \u00fcmumavropa d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259rinin qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndirilm\u0259si a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr, ikili standartlar\u0131n m\u00f6vcudlu\u011fu il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 ictimai d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259 meydana \u00e7\u0131x\u0131r. Bu, Sosial T\u0259dqiqatlar M\u0259rk\u0259zi t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n h\u0259yata ke\u00e7iril\u0259n ictimai r\u0259y sor\u011fusunun n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259 d\u0259 \u00f6z \u0259ksini tapmaqdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

        B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlarla yana\u015f\u0131, qeyd olunmal\u0131d\u0131r ki, II Qaraba\u011f m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259ki q\u0259l\u0259b\u0259 v\u0259 2023-c\u00fc ild\u0259 suverenliyinin tam olaraq b\u0259rpa olunmas\u0131 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n qlobal m\u0259kanda m\u00f6vqeyinin g\u00fccl\u0259nm\u0259sini t\u0259min etmi\u015fdir. Az\u0259rbaycan h\u0259m \u015e\u0259rq-Q\u0259rb, h\u0259m d\u0259 \u015eimal-C\u0259nub d\u0259hlizl\u0259ri il\u0259 qlobal ticar\u0259t imkanlar\u0131na qap\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131r. H\u0259m \u00f6lk\u0259 ekspertl\u0259ri, h\u0259m d\u0259 xarici ekspertl\u0259r qeyd edirl\u0259r ki, m\u0259hz Qaraba\u011fdak\u0131 q\u0259l\u0259b\u0259 imkan verir ki, regional kommunikasiyalar a\u00e7\u0131ls\u0131n v\u0259 region qlobal ke\u00e7id imkanlar\u0131 il\u0259 \u00e7oxt\u0259r\u0259fli \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q platformas\u0131na \u00e7evrilsin [35]. COP29 kimi qlobal iqlim sammitinin Az\u0259rbaycanda ke\u00e7irilm\u0259sin\u0259 b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnya d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rinin, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n Erm\u0259nistan\u0131n raz\u0131l\u0131q verm\u0259si Az\u0259rbaycana olan qlobal etimad\u0131n g\u00f6st\u0259ricisi olaraq qiym\u0259tl\u0259ndirilir. H\u0259m\u00e7inin Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n 15 iyun 2021-ci il tarixind\u0259T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 il\u0259 strateji \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q haqq\u0131nda \u015eu\u015fa b\u0259yannam\u0259sini, 2022-ci ilin 22 fevral\u0131nda Rusiya il\u0259 m\u00fctt\u0259fiqlik v\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ql\u0131 f\u0259aliyy\u0259ti haqq\u0131nda Moskva b\u0259yannam\u0259sini, 2022-ci ilin 18 iyulunda A\u0130 il\u0259 enerji strateji t\u0259r\u0259fda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 haqq\u0131nda b\u0259yannam\u0259ni, 2022-ci ilin mart\u0131nda \u0130ranla yeni kommunikasiya ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n yarad\u0131lmas\u0131 haqq\u0131nda Bak\u0131da imzalanm\u0131\u015f anla\u015fma memorandumunu, 2024-c\u00fc ilin 3 iyulunda \u00c7in il\u0259 strateji t\u0259r\u0259fda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n qurulmas\u0131 haqq\u0131nda birg\u0259 b\u0259yannam\u0259ni xat\u0131rlatmaq olar. Bu b\u0259yannam\u0259nin m\u0259tnind\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n BR\u0130CS-\u0259 daxil olmaq arzusu ifad\u0259 olunur, 20 avqust 2024-c\u00fc il tarixind\u0259 is\u0259 bu t\u0259\u015fkilata \u00fczvl\u00fck \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn r\u0259smi m\u00fcraci\u0259t \u00fcnvanlan\u0131b. Az\u0259rbaycan Avropa il\u0259 g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259k enerji \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na davam etm\u0259kl\u0259 yana\u015f\u0131, siyasi olaraq qon\u015fular\u0131, h\u0259m\u00e7inin \u00c7in il\u0259 strateji m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rin inki\u015faf\u0131 istiqam\u0259tind\u0259 ir\u0259lil\u0259m\u0259kd\u0259dir. Bu, g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259kd\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan milli t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik konsepsiyas\u0131na da yans\u0131yacaq d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 \u00f6n\u0259mli bir d\u0259yi\u015fiklik olaraq d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndiril\u0259 bil\u0259r.<\/p>\n

         <\/p>\n

          \n
        1. Az\u0259rbaycan ictimai r\u0259yind\u0259 <\/strong>Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7in\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259t<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

           <\/p>\n

          Az\u0259rbaycan ictimai r\u0259yind\u0259 Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7in\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259ti \u00f6yr\u0259nm\u0259k m\u0259qs\u0259dil\u0259 Sosial T\u0259dqiqatlar M\u0259rk\u0259zinin maddi-texniki d\u0259st\u0259yi il\u0259 v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar aras\u0131nda r\u0259y sor\u011fusu ke\u00e7irilib. Sor\u011fuda Az\u0259rbaycan v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u0259sas ictimai-siyasi m\u0259lumat m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rinin hans\u0131lar oldu\u011fu, onlar\u0131n Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n xarici siyas\u0259tinin inki\u015faf istiqam\u0259tl\u0259rin\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259ri \u00f6yr\u0259nilib, h\u0259m\u00e7inin Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7in\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259ri m\u00fcxt\u0259lif iqtisadi-siyasi-m\u0259d\u0259ni faktorlar \u00fczr\u0259 d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndirilib. T\u0259dqiqat\u0131n \u0259hat\u0259 etdiyi m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259l\u0259r bir ne\u00e7\u0259 \u0259sas vektor \u00fczr\u0259 qrupla\u015fd\u0131r\u0131laraq n\u0259z\u0259rd\u0259n ke\u00e7irilib:<\/p>\n

          – Az\u0259rbaycan v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ictimai-siyasi m\u0259lumat m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259ri;<\/p>\n

          – Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n xarici siyas\u0259tinin inki\u015faf istiqam\u0259tl\u0259rin\u0259 ictimai m\u00fcnasib\u0259t;<\/p>\n

          – Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7in\u0259 ictimai g\u00fcv\u0259n v\u0259 etibar s\u0259viyy\u0259sinin m\u00fcqayis\u0259si;<\/p>\n

          – Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7inin iqtisadi imkanlar\u0131n\u0131n ictimai r\u0259y \u0259sasl\u0131 m\u00fcqayis\u0259si.<\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          4.1. T\u0259dqiqat\u0131n metodologiyas\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          T\u0259dqiqat k\u0259miyy\u0259t metodologiyas\u0131 \u0259sas\u0131nda apar\u0131l\u0131b. Se\u00e7m\u0259 \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259si respondentl\u0259rin gender balans\u0131, ya\u015f b\u00f6lg\u00fcs\u00fc v\u0259 t\u0259hsil s\u0259viyy\u0259si r\u0259smi statistikaya uy\u011fun olmaqla m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n edilib. Sor\u011fularda ya\u015f\u0131 18 v\u0259 yuxar\u0131 olan 412 respondent i\u015ftirak edib.<\/p>\n

          Sor\u011funun sah\u0259 i\u015fi (m\u0259lumatlar\u0131n toplan\u0131lmas\u0131) 2024-c\u00fc ilin 22\u201327 iyul tarixl\u0259ri aras\u0131nda icra edilib. M\u0259lumatlar\u0131n toplan\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn telefon sor\u011fusu \u00fcsulundan istifad\u0259 olunub.<\/p>\n

          Sosioloji sor\u011fu Bak\u0131, Ab\u015feron-X\u0131z\u0131, Da\u011fl\u0131q \u015eirvan, G\u0259nc\u0259-Da\u015fk\u0259s\u0259n, Qazax-Tovuz, L\u0259nk\u0259ran-Astara, Quba-Xa\u00e7maz, \u015e\u0259ki-Zaqatala, Qaraba\u011f, M\u0259rk\u0259zi Aran, Mil-Mu\u011fan v\u0259 \u015eirvan-Salyan iqtisadi rayonlar\u0131 olmaqla, \u00fcmumilikd\u0259 12 iqtisadi-rayonu \u0259hat\u0259 edib. Nax\u00e7\u0131van v\u0259 \u015e\u0259rqi Z\u0259ng\u0259zur iqtisadi rayonlar\u0131 sor\u011fuda \u0259hat\u0259 olunmay\u0131b. Daha detall\u0131 t\u0259hlil m\u0259qs\u0259dil\u0259 qeyd etm\u0259k olar ki, sor\u011fu 9 respublika tabeli \u015f\u0259h\u0259r, 51 rayon olmaqla, \u00fcmumilikd\u0259 60 rayon v\u0259 \u015f\u0259h\u0259ri \u0259hat\u0259 edib.<\/p>\n

          Sor\u011fu anketin\u0259 8 sosial-demoqrafik olmaqla, \u00fcmumilikd\u0259 19 sual daxil edilib. Sor\u011funun h\u0259r bir respondentl\u0259 orta davametm\u0259 m\u00fcdd\u0259ti 5 d\u0259qiq\u0259 48 saniy\u0259 t\u0259\u015fkil edib.<\/p>\n

          Respondentl\u0259rin say\u0131na \u0259sas\u0259n n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rin x\u0259ta \u0259msal\u0131 95% \u0259minlik interval\u0131nda 5% t\u0259\u015fkil edib.<\/p>\n

          Sor\u011fu prosesinin gedi\u015fat\u0131nda sah\u0259 i\u015fin\u0259 n\u0259zar\u0259t olunub. Sor\u011funun n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259ri \u201cSPSS\u201d (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) proqram\u0131 vasit\u0259sil\u0259 t\u0259hlil edilib.<\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          4.3. Az\u0259rbaycan v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ictimai-siyasi m\u0259lumat m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259ri<\/strong><\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          Az\u0259rbaycan v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ictimai-siyasi m\u00f6vzulara n\u0259 d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 mara\u011f\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011funu \u00f6yr\u0259nm\u0259k, h\u0259m\u00e7inin onlar\u0131n \u0259sas\u0259n hans\u0131 t\u0259bli\u011fat al\u0259tl\u0259rinin t\u0259siri alt\u0131nda oldu\u011funu m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn respondentl\u0259r\u0259 ictimai-siyasi x\u0259b\u0259rl\u0259ri \u0259sas\u0259n hans\u0131 m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n izl\u0259dikl\u0259ri soru\u015fulub. Sor\u011fu n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 \u0259sas\u0259n respondentl\u0259rin c\u0259mi 8,3%-i ictimai-siyasi x\u0259b\u0259rl\u0259ri izl\u0259m\u0259diyini qeyd edib. \u00d6lk\u0259d\u0259 v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131n ictimai-siyasi m\u0259lumatlar\u0131 \u0259sas\u0259n sosial \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259l\u0259r v\u0259 televiziyadan \u0259ld\u0259 etdiyi m\u0259lum olub. Bel\u0259 ki, respondentl\u0259rin 58,3%-i ictimai-siyasi m\u0259lumatlar\u0131 \u0259sas\u0259n sosial \u015f\u0259b\u0259k\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n, 54,1%-i is\u0259 televiziyadan izl\u0259diyini qeyd edib. \u0130ctimai-siyasi x\u0259b\u0259rl\u0259ri internet x\u0259b\u0259r saytlar\u0131ndan izl\u0259y\u0259nl\u0259r \u00fcmumi respondentl\u0259rin 11,9%-ni, radiodan izl\u0259y\u0259nl\u0259r 1,5%-ni, d\u00f6vl\u0259t qurumlar\u0131n\u0131n r\u0259smi saytlar\u0131ndan izl\u0259y\u0259nl\u0259r 0,5%-ni t\u0259\u015fkil edib. 1% respondent m\u0259lumatlar\u0131 \u0259trafdak\u0131 insanlardan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, 3,9%-i \u201cdig\u0259r\u201d cavab variant\u0131n\u0131 qeyd edib.<\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          Az\u0259rbaycanda \u0259sas hans\u0131 xarici q\u00fcvv\u0259nin t\u0259bli\u011fat imkanlar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fccl\u00fc oldu\u011funu m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn respondentl\u0259r\u0259 hans\u0131 \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 aid m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n ictimai-siyasi m\u0259lumatlar\u0131 izl\u0259diyi soru\u015fulub. Sor\u011fu n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259, b\u00f6y\u00fck \u00e7oxluq, y\u0259ni 84,9% respondent ictimai-siyasi m\u0259lumatlar\u0131 yerli m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259n \u0259ld\u0259 etdiyini bildirib. Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, respondentl\u0259rin m\u00fch\u00fcm bir hiss\u0259si, y\u0259ni 40,7%-i T\u00fcrkiy\u0259y\u0259 aid m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259ri izl\u0259diyini qeyd edib. Rusiyan\u0131n informasiya m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rini izl\u0259y\u0259nl\u0259r 19%, Avropan\u0131n informasiya m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rini izl\u0259y\u0259nl\u0259r 11,6%, AB\u015e-\u0131n informasiya resurslar\u0131ndan m\u0259lumat \u0259ld\u0259 ed\u0259nl\u0259r 6,6% t\u0259\u015fkil edib. 3,7% respondent \u201cdig\u0259r\u201d cavab variant\u0131n\u0131 se\u00e7ib, 0,3% is\u0259 cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kdiyini qeyd edib. Bel\u0259likl\u0259, Az\u0259rbaycanda yerli v\u0259 T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 informasiya m\u0259nb\u0259l\u0259rinin daha populyar oldu\u011fu ayd\u0131n olur.<\/p>\n

          4.4. Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n xarici siyas\u0259tinin inki\u015faf istiqam\u0259tl\u0259rin\u0259 ictimai m\u00fcnasib\u0259t<\/strong><\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n haz\u0131rk\u0131 xarici siyas\u0259tinin \u0259sas inki\u015faf istiqam\u0259tl\u0259ri, y\u0259ni hans\u0131 d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rl\u0259 (o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n beyn\u0259lxalq t\u0259\u015fkilatlarla) \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131\u011fa y\u00f6n\u0259ldiyi il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 ictimai r\u0259yi \u00f6yr\u0259nm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn respondentl\u0259r\u0259 \u00fcnvanlanan suala, onlar\u0131n yar\u0131s\u0131, y\u0259ni 51,3%-i T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 (T\u00fcrk D\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259ri T\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131), 20,1%-i Rusiya (MDB v\u0259 Avrasiya \u0130qtisadi Birliyi), 15,9%-i Avropa (Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131), 7,9%-i \u00c7in (\u015eanxay \u018fm\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q T\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131), 3,2%-i AB\u015e (NATO) cavab\u0131n\u0131 verib. 25,4% respondent Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn t\u0259r\u0259fl\u0259rl\u0259 balansl\u0131 siyas\u0259t apard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, 4,5%-i is\u0259 t\u0259r\u0259fsiz xarici siyas\u0259t x\u0259ttinin (Qo\u015fulmama H\u0259r\u0259kat\u0131) \u00fcst\u00fcn oldu\u011funu qeyd edib. 4,2% respondent \u201cdig\u0259r\u201d, 7,1%-i is\u0259 \u201ccavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kir\u0259m\u201d cavab variantlar\u0131n\u0131 se\u00e7ib.<\/p>\n

          4.5. Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7in\u0259 ictimai g\u00fcv\u0259n v\u0259 etibar s\u0259viyy\u0259sinin m\u00fcqayis\u0259si<\/strong><\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          Az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7inin n\u0259 ifad\u0259 etdiyini m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flara bir ne\u00e7\u0259 sual \u00fcnvanlan\u0131b.<\/p>\n

          Respondentl\u0259rin 52,7%-i \u00c7ini dost, 38%-i qeyri-dost adland\u0131r\u0131b, 9,3%-i bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib. Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131 dost hesab ed\u0259nl\u0259r is\u0259 daha az, 36,1%-dir. Respondentl\u0259rin 53,9%-i A\u0130-nin Az\u0259rbaycana m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 qeyri-dost davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011funu bildirib, 10%-i is\u0259 bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib.<\/p>\n

          \u0130ctimai r\u0259yd\u0259 A\u0130 v\u0259 \u00c7in kimi iki \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tli g\u00fccd\u0259n hans\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6lk\u0259miz \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn daha vacib oldu\u011funu m\u00fc\u0259yy\u0259n etm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn respondentl\u0259r\u0259 \u00fcnvanlanan suala onlar\u0131n 65,1%-i \u00c7ini \u00f6lk\u0259miz \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn vacib, 27,8%-i vacib olmayan hesab etdiyini bildirib, 7,1%-i bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib. A\u0130-y\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 is\u0259 respondentl\u0259rin 65,4%-i onu \u00f6lk\u0259miz \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn vacib, 28%-i vacib olmayan hesab edib, 6,6% respondent bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib. Dem\u0259k olar ki, h\u0259m A\u0130, h\u0259m d\u0259 \u00c7in Az\u0259rbaycan ictimai r\u0259yind\u0259 eyni d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 \u0259sas\u0259n vacib aktor kimi d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndirilir.<\/p>\n

          \u00d6lk\u0259miz\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 bu iki g\u00fccd\u0259n hans\u0131n\u0131n daha \u0259dal\u0259tli m\u00f6vqe s\u0259rgil\u0259diyin\u0259 dair ictimai m\u00fcnasib\u0259ti \u00f6yr\u0259nm\u0259k \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn \u00fcnvanlanan suala \u0259sas\u0259n, respondentl\u0259rin 55,1%-i \u00c7ini \u00f6lk\u0259miz\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 \u0259dal\u0259tli, 22,9%-i q\u0259r\u0259zli hesab edib, 22% respondent bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kdiyini bildirib. A\u0130-nin \u00f6lk\u0259miz\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 q\u0259r\u0259zli oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u0259nl\u0259r is\u0259 daha \u00e7oxdur. Bel\u0259 ki, respondentl\u0259rin c\u0259mi 31%-i A\u0130-nin \u00f6lk\u0259miz\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 \u0259dal\u0259tli oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr. 56,1%-i is\u0259 A\u0130-nin \u00f6lk\u0259miz\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 q\u0259r\u0259zli oldu\u011funu qeyd edib, 12,9% respondent bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib.<\/p>\n

          Respondentl\u0259rin 48,5%-i \u00c7ini g\u00fcv\u0259nil\u0259n \u00f6lk\u0259 hesab ed\u0259rk\u0259n, A\u0130-ni g\u00fcv\u0259nil\u0259n hesab ed\u0259nl\u0259r daha az, 34,9%-dir. Halbuki, \u00c7ini g\u00fcv\u0259nilm\u0259z hesab ed\u0259n 38% respondent oldu\u011fu halda, A\u0130-ni g\u00fcv\u0259nilm\u0259z hesab ed\u0259nl\u0259r 55,9% t\u0259\u015fkil edib.<\/p>\n

          Bel\u0259likl\u0259, biz Az\u0259rbaycan ictimai r\u0259yind\u0259 h\u0259m A\u0130, h\u0259m d\u0259 \u00c7inin \u00f6lk\u0259miz \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn vacib oldu\u011funu, lakin bununla yana\u015f\u0131, \u00c7in il\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 A\u0130-y\u0259 g\u00fcv\u0259nin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 oldu\u011funu, A\u0130-nin \u00f6lk\u0259miz\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 q\u0259r\u0259zli m\u00f6vqeyinin oldu\u011fu bar\u0259d\u0259 ictimai r\u0259yin m\u00f6vcud oldu\u011fu qeyd olunub v\u0259 bu m\u00fcnasib\u0259t daha \u00e7ox respondent t\u0259r\u0259find\u0259n \u201cqeyri-dost\u201d davran\u0131\u015f olaraq alq\u0131lan\u0131b.<\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          4.6.Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131 v\u0259 \u00c7inin iqtisadi imkanlar\u0131n\u0131n <\/strong>ictimai r\u0259y \u0259sasl\u0131 m\u00fcqayis\u0259si<\/strong><\/p>\n

          Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n A\u0130 il\u0259 d\u0259rin strateji iqtisadi v\u0259 enerji m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259ri, \u00c7in il\u0259 is\u0259 artan iqtisadi v\u0259 strateji-kommunikasiya \u0259laq\u0259l\u0259ri m\u00f6vcuddur Bu. qlobal g\u00fccl\u0259rin h\u0259r ikisi il\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rin inki\u015faf\u0131 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n iqtisadi siyas\u0259ti bax\u0131m\u0131ndan m\u00fch\u00fcm \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259t da\u015f\u0131y\u0131r. A\u0130 v\u0259 \u00c7inin iqtisadi imkanlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6lk\u0259miz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndirilm\u0259si v\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259li t\u0259hlilin apar\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn respondentl\u0259r\u0259 bir ne\u00e7\u0259 sual \u00fcnvanlan\u0131b.<\/p>\n

          Respondentl\u0259rin 65,9%-i \u00c7ini qlobal iqtisadi imkanlar\u0131 olan, 19,8%-i is\u0259 m\u0259hdud iqtisadi imkanlar\u0131 olan g\u00fcc kimi qeyd edib, 14,4%-i bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kdiyini bildirib. Avropa \u0130ttifaq\u0131n\u0131n iqtisadi imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259ndir\u0259rk\u0259n is\u0259 respondentl\u0259rin 53,2%-i \u201cqlobal imkanlar\u0131 olan\u201d, 31,2%-i \u201cm\u0259hdud imkanlar\u0131 olan\u201d g\u00fcc kimi xarakteriz\u0259 edib, 15,6% respondent bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib.<\/p>\n

          Bel\u0259likl\u0259, biz Az\u0259rbaycan ictimai r\u0259yind\u0259 \u00c7inin qlobal iqtisadi imkanlar\u0131n\u0131n daha \u00e7ox oldu\u011fu il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259nin oldu\u011funu m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259 edirik.<\/p>\n

          Respondentl\u0259rin 74,4%-i \u00c7ini \u201cyenilik\u00e7i\u201d, 19,8%-i \u201ct\u0259krar\u00e7\u0131\u201d olaraq xarakteriz\u0259 edib, 5,9%-i bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib. Halbuki, A\u0130-ni yenilik\u00e7i hesab ed\u0259nl\u0259r \u00c7in il\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 daha az, y\u0259ni 53,2%, t\u0259krar\u00e7\u0131 hesab ed\u0259nl\u0259r is\u0259 \u00c7in il\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 daha \u00e7ox, y\u0259ni 32% olub. 14,9% respondent bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib.<\/p>\n

          Respondentl\u0259rin 70%-i \u00c7ini y\u00fcks\u0259k inki\u015faf etmi\u015f texnologiya, 25,1%-i keyfiyy\u0259tsiz texnologiya sahibi oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcy\u00fcn\u00fc qeyd edib, 4,9% respondent bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib. Lakin respondentl\u0259rin cavablar\u0131n\u0131n t\u0259hlili g\u00f6st\u0259rir ki, az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar aras\u0131nda A\u0130-nin texnoloji \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fcy\u00fc il\u0259 ba\u011fl\u0131 vahid m\u00f6vqe m\u00f6vcuddur. Bel\u0259 ki, respondentl\u0259rin 79,5%-i, y\u0259ni \u00c7in il\u0259 m\u00fcqayis\u0259d\u0259 daha \u00e7ox hiss\u0259si, A\u0130-nin y\u00fcks\u0259k inki\u015faf etmi\u015f texnologiyaya sahib oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr, 12,7%-i is\u0259 A\u0130-ni keyfiyy\u0259tsiz texnologiya il\u0259 assosiasiya edib. 7,8% bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib.<\/p>\n

          Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, qeyd etm\u0259k olar ki, \u00c7in az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n ictimai d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259sind\u0259 \u0259n\u0259n\u0259vi olaraq \u201cucuz m\u0259hsul\u201d, Avropa is\u0259 \u201cbahal\u0131 m\u0259hsul\u201d il\u0259 xarakteriz\u0259 olunur ki, bu, ke\u00e7iril\u0259n ictimai r\u0259y sor\u011fusunun n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 d\u0259 yans\u0131y\u0131b. Bel\u0259 ki, respondentl\u0259rin 80,7%-i \u00c7ini \u201cucuz m\u0259hsul\u201d, 12,4%-i \u201cbahal\u0131 m\u0259hsul\u201d il\u0259 assosiasiya edib, 6,8% respondent bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib. Lakin A\u0130-y\u0259 m\u00fcnasib\u0259td\u0259 bunun tam t\u0259rsi m\u00fc\u015fahid\u0259 olunur. Bel\u0259 ki, respondentl\u0259rin 87,6%-i A\u0130-ni \u201cbahal\u0131 m\u0259hsul\u201d, 5,6%-i \u201cucuz m\u0259hsul\u201d il\u0259 assosiasiya edib, 6,8% respoondent is\u0259 bu suala cavab verm\u0259y\u0259 \u00e7\u0259tinlik \u00e7\u0259kib.<\/p>\n

          N\u018fT\u0130C\u018f<\/strong><\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          Milli kimlik v\u0259 c\u0259miyy\u0259tin siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259sinin formala\u015fmas\u0131 beyn\u0259lxalq m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259 n\u0259z\u0259ri t\u0259dqiqatlar\u0131n \u0259sas predmetl\u0259rind\u0259n biri kimi \u00f6z \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tini v\u0259 dinamizmini qorumaqdad\u0131r. Milli kimlik v\u0259 siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259 c\u0259miyy\u0259tl\u0259rin i\u00e7\u0259risind\u0259n ke\u00e7diyi tarixi-siyasi prosesl\u0259r, sahib oldu\u011fu milli-m\u0259n\u0259vi d\u0259y\u0259rl\u0259r, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n qloballa\u015fma v\u0259 k\u0259nar t\u0259sirl\u0259r, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 m\u00fcxt\u0259lif m\u00fcst\u0259vil\u0259rd\u0259 apar\u0131lan, m\u00fcasir informasiya-kommunikasiya texnologiya al\u0259tl\u0259rinin t\u0259tbiqi il\u0259 daha da geni\u015f v\u0259 s\u00fcr\u0259tli \u015f\u0259kild\u0259 yay\u0131lan ideoloji-t\u0259bli\u011fat i\u015fl\u0259ri fonunda \u015f\u0259kill\u0259nm\u0259kd\u0259dir.<\/p>\n

          Bu t\u0259dqiqat i\u015find\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan c\u0259miyy\u0259tind\u0259 siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259nin formala\u015fma prosesinin ke\u00e7diyi tarixi-siyasi yola q\u0131sa n\u0259z\u0259r yetiril\u0259r\u0259k, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 44 g\u00fcnl\u00fck V\u0259t\u0259n m\u00fcharib\u0259si n\u0259tic\u0259sind\u0259 ba\u015f ver\u0259n milli, territorial, m\u0259n\u0259vi b\u00fct\u00f6vl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 v\u0259 bunun simvoluna \u00e7evril\u0259n 20 sentyabr \u2013 D\u00f6vl\u0259t Suverenliyi G\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn siyasi \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259ti \u0259sas bazis kimi t\u0259qdim edilmi\u015fdir. Bu tarixi b\u00fct\u00f6vl\u0259\u015fm\u0259y\u0259 \u0259ks-m\u00f6vqe s\u0259rgil\u0259diyi \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n Avro-Atlantik strukturlarla m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rind\u0259 2020-ci ild\u0259n b\u0259ri ya\u015fanan g\u0259rginliyin az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259sin\u0259 t\u0259siri, ictimai r\u0259y\u0259 hans\u0131 formada yans\u0131mas\u0131 t\u0259dqiqat \u00e7\u0259r\u00e7iv\u0259sind\u0259 ara\u015fd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015fd\u0131r. X\u00fcsusil\u0259 son ill\u0259rd\u0259 yenid\u0259n q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 meyill\u0259rinin artmas\u0131 fonunda Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n xarici siyas\u0259t \u015f\u0259kill\u0259ndirm\u0259si t\u0259hlil edilmi\u015fdir. Bu m\u0259qs\u0259dl\u0259 h\u0259m qlobal m\u00fcst\u0259vid\u0259 ba\u015f ver\u0259n siyasi prosesl\u0259r izl\u0259nilmi\u015f, h\u0259m d\u0259 bu fonda Az\u0259rbaycan v\u0259t\u0259nda\u015flar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ke\u00e7iril\u0259n ictimai r\u0259y sor\u011fusunun n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259ri m\u00fcqayis\u0259li t\u0259hlil olunmu\u015fdur.<\/p>\n

          Ke\u00e7iril\u0259n ictimai r\u0259y sor\u011fusunun n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259rind\u0259n d\u0259 g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fcy\u00fc kimi, Q\u0259rb institutlar\u0131, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 Avropa \u015euras\u0131, Avropa Parlamenti, A\u015ePA, AT\u018fT v\u0259 s. bu kimi qurumlar\u0131n 44 g\u00fcnl\u00fck V\u0259t\u0259n m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonra Az\u0259rbaycana qar\u015f\u0131 s\u0259rgil\u0259diyi m\u00f6vqe, anti-Az\u0259rbaycan q\u0259tnam\u0259, b\u0259yanat v\u0259 a\u00e7\u0131qlamalar Az\u0259rbaycan c\u0259miyy\u0259tind\u0259 kollektiv Q\u0259rbi simvoliz\u0259 ed\u0259n \u00fcmumi obraz olaraq A\u0130-y\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fcv\u0259nsizlik duy\u011fusunun artmas\u0131, A\u0130-nin \u00f6lk\u0259miz\u0259 qar\u015f\u0131 q\u0259r\u0259zli olmas\u0131na dair ictimai r\u0259yin formala\u015fmas\u0131 il\u0259 n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259nmi\u015fdir. Bu is\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n 2020-ci ild\u0259n sonrak\u0131 d\u00f6vrd\u0259 \u00c7inl\u0259 yeni strateji m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259r qurmas\u0131na, x\u00fcsusil\u0259 iqtisadi olaraq \u00c7inl\u0259 \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n faydal\u0131 olmas\u0131 bar\u0259d\u0259 ictimai r\u0259y d\u0259 n\u0259z\u0259r\u0259 al\u0131naraq, 2020-ci ill\u0259rd\u0259 yenid\u0259n q\u00fctbl\u0259\u015fm\u0259 meyill\u0259ri s\u0259rgil\u0259y\u0259n d\u00fcnyada \u00f6lk\u0259nin \u015e\u0259rq blokuna yax\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131nda \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc b\u00fcruz\u0259 verm\u0259kd\u0259dir. Bununla yana\u015f\u0131, qeyd olunmal\u0131d\u0131r ki, Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n V\u0259t\u0259n m\u00fcharib\u0259sind\u0259n sonrak\u0131 siyas\u0259ti onun beyn\u0259lxalq n\u00fcfuzunu art\u0131rmaqla yana\u015f\u0131, \u015e\u0259rq v\u0259 Q\u0259rb aras\u0131nda strateji ke\u00e7id, ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6lk\u0259 olaraq \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tini art\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6zl\u0259ntil\u0259ri do\u011furmaqdad\u0131r. H\u0259m\u00e7inin 2007-ci ild\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n milli t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik konsepsiyas\u0131nda yer alan Avro-Atlantik strukturlarla ba\u011fl\u0131 qeydin g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259kd\u0259 redakt\u0259 olunaca\u011f\u0131 ehtimal edil\u0259 bil\u0259r. Art\u0131q Az\u0259rbaycan milli s\u0259n\u0259dl\u0259rind\u0259 \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc Avro-Atlantik t\u0259hl\u00fck\u0259sizlik arxitekturas\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131lmaz bir halqas\u0131 olaraq deyil, \u015e\u0259rq v\u0259 Q\u0259rb bloklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, y\u0259ni \u015e\u018fT v\u0259 A\u0130 aras\u0131nda etibarl\u0131 bir k\u00f6rp\u00fc olaraq t\u0259qdim ed\u0259 bil\u0259r. \u015e\u018fT-\u0259 \u00fczvl\u00fck Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n tamamil\u0259 \u00c7in y\u00f6n\u00fcml\u00fc siyasi reorioentasiyas\u0131 say\u0131la bil\u0259c\u0259yin\u0259 g\u00f6r\u0259 g\u00f6zl\u0259nilmir. Lakin \u015e\u0259rq blokunun ged\u0259r\u0259k daha \u00e7ox iqtisadi imkanlar t\u0259klif ed\u0259n BR\u0130CS adl\u0131 t\u0259\u015fkilat\u0131na \u00fczvl\u00fck h\u0259m Az\u0259rbaycan, h\u0259m d\u0259 qarda\u015f \u00f6lk\u0259 olan T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn yax\u0131n g\u0259l\u0259c\u0259kd\u0259 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. Bel\u0259c\u0259 \u015e\u0259rq blokunun iqtisadi \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q platformas\u0131na \u00fczv olmaqla Az\u0259rbaycan v\u0259 T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 Avropa v\u0259 Asiya aras\u0131nda artan qlobal ticar\u0259td\u0259 k\u00f6rp\u00fc olma\u011f\u0131, balansl\u0131 siyas\u0259t imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 daha da art\u0131rma\u011f\u0131 h\u0259d\u0259fl\u0259yir. Bu, T\u00fcrkiy\u0259nin Q\u0259rb blokundan (NATO-dan) ayr\u0131laca\u011f\u0131, yaxud Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n Q\u0259rbl\u0259 enerji \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sonland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na g\u0259lmir. Bu \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131q t\u0259r\u0259fl\u0259r \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn qazan-qazan (win-win) durumu yarada, siyasi-iqtisadi imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 daha da inki\u015faf etdir\u0259, \u00f6lk\u0259 prestijini v\u0259 xarici siyas\u0259t effektivliyini art\u0131ra bil\u0259r. T\u00fcrkiy\u0259 v\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan qarda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 v\u0259 \u0259m\u0259kda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn sah\u0259l\u0259rd\u0259 oldu\u011fu kimi bu m\u0259s\u0259l\u0259d\u0259 d\u0259 ortaq \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarla davam ed\u0259c\u0259yi g\u00f6zl\u0259nilir. H\u0259m\u00e7inin x\u00fcsusil\u0259 qeyd olunmal\u0131d\u0131r ki, Az\u0259rbaycan \u015e\u0259rq-Q\u0259rb v\u0259 \u015eimal-C\u0259nub d\u0259hlizl\u0259rinin \u0259sas k\u0259si\u015fm\u0259 n\u00f6qt\u0259sidir. Bu bax\u0131mdan olduqca strateji bir m\u00f6vqey\u0259 sahib olan Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n \u015e\u0259rq v\u0259 Q\u0259rb aras\u0131nda strateji ke\u00e7id \u00f6lk\u0259 olaraq \u0259h\u0259miyy\u0259tini art\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6zl\u0259ntil\u0259r aras\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          N\u0259tic\u0259 olaraq qeyd etm\u0259k laz\u0131md\u0131r ki, c\u0259miyy\u0259tin siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259sini v\u0259 bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259 \u0259sas\u0131nda ictimai r\u0259yi formala\u015fd\u0131rmaq \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn ideoloji t\u0259bli\u011fat al\u0259tl\u0259rind\u0259n istifad\u0259 olunmas\u0131 m\u00fch\u00fcm n\u0259tic\u0259l\u0259r verm\u0259kd\u0259dir. M\u0259s\u0259l\u0259n, Avropan\u0131n vahid bir orqanizm hal\u0131na g\u0259lm\u0259sind\u0259 ideoloji t\u0259bli\u011fat n\u0259 q\u0259d\u0259r \u00f6n\u0259mli rol oynam\u0131\u015fd\u0131rsa, el\u0259c\u0259 d\u0259 az\u0259rbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n milli-siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259sinin f\u0259rqli \u015f\u0259kill\u0259ndirilm\u0259sind\u0259 t\u0259bli\u011fat al\u0259tl\u0259rinin eyni d\u0259r\u0259c\u0259d\u0259 rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u0259n\u0259 bil\u0259r. Son olaraq, d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin siyasi oriyentasiyas\u0131 onlar\u0131 formala\u015fd\u0131ran toplumun m\u0259d\u0259ni-siyasi v\u0259 ideoloji istiqam\u0259tl\u0259ndirilm\u0259sini \u015f\u0259rtl\u0259ndirir. Burada h\u0259m d\u0259 sistem t\u0259sirl\u0259ri m\u00fch\u00fcm rol oynay\u0131r.<\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

          \u0130ST\u0130FAD\u018f ED\u0130LM\u0130\u015e \u018fD\u018fB\u0130YYAT <\/strong><\/p>\n

          \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

          Az\u0259rbaycan dilind\u0259:<\/strong><\/p>\n

            \n
          1. Az\u0259rbaycan Respublikas\u0131n\u0131n Prezidenti \u0130lham \u018fliyev Beyn\u0259lxalq \u00c7ernobbio Forumunda \u201cYeni geosiyasi \u015f\u0259raitd\u0259 Az\u0259rbaycan\u0131n rolu\u201d adl\u0131 sessiyada \u00e7\u0131x\u0131\u015f edib. \/06 sentyabr 2024\/ – https:\/\/president.az\/az\/articles\/view\/66804<\/li>\n
          2. \u018fhm\u0259dli, R. (2007). Az\u0259rbaycan milli-demokratik d\u00f6vl\u0259t\u00e7ilik m\u0259fkur\u0259si: t\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck, m\u00fcasirlik, islam\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q. Bak\u0131: Elm<\/li>\n
          3. \u018fhmodov, B. (2016). T\u00fcrkl\u0259\u015fm\u0259k, m\u00fcasirl\u0259\u015fm\u0259k, islamla\u015fmaq \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc d\u00fcsturu kimindir?. – https:\/\/turan.info.az\/edebiyyat\/edebiyyatshunasliq\/670-trklmk-masirlmk-islamlamaq-l-dsturu-kimindir-iii-mqal.html<\/li>\n
          4. C\u0259lilzad\u0259, \u015e. (2024). Bak\u0131 Peterburqda m\u00f6vqeyini q\u0259til\u0259\u015fdirdi \u2013 niy\u0259 BR\u0130CS?. – https:\/\/musavat.com\/news\/baki-peterburqda-movqeyini-qetilesdirdi-niye-brics-niye-indi_1085625.html<\/li>\n
          5. \u00d6m\u0259rov, V. (2012). M.F. Axundzad\u0259nin \u0259s\u0259rl\u0259rind\u0259 az\u0259rbaycan\u00e7\u0131l\u0131q ideyalar\u0131. \/\/ \u201cS\u0259s\u201d q\u0259zeti, s. 13. – https:\/\/www.anl.az\/down\/meqale\/ses\/2012\/mart\/238090.htm<\/li>\n
          6. STM, \u201cAz\u0259rbaycan c\u0259miyy\u0259ti hans\u0131 \u00f6lk\u0259l\u0259r\u0259 yax\u0131nl\u0131q hiss edir? \u2013 \u0130ctimai r\u0259y sor\u011fusu\u201d, https:\/\/stm.az\/az\/news\/1176\/azerbaycan-cemiyyeti-hansi-olkelere-yaxinliq-hiss-edir-ictimai-rey-sorgusu<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

             <\/p>\n

            T\u00fcrk dilind\u0259:<\/strong><\/p>\n

              \n
            1. Cafersoy, N. (2002). \u201cRus jeopolitik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde misyon aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131\u201d, \/\/ Avrasya Dosyas\u0131, S. 8(4), ss. 51-101.<\/li>\n
            2. Do\u011fan, A. v\u0259 Batar, H. (2019). \u201cSiyasal kimlik, hayat tarz\u0131 ve siyasal tercih: Malatya se\u00e7meni \u00fczerine bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma\u201d, \/\/ Sel\u00e7uk \u00dcniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Meslek Y\u00fcksekokulu Dergisi, S. 22(2), s. 932<\/li>\n
            3. Do\u011fanay, H. (2011). \u201cT\u00fcrk D\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n Siyasi S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131, \/\/ Do\u011fu Co\u011frafya Dergisi, S. 1(1), s. 25<\/li>\n
            4. Dursun, D. vd. (2018). Siyaset Bilimi, TC Anadolu \u00dcniversitesi Yay\u0131n\u0131, Eski\u015fehir, s. 93<\/li>\n
            5. Ers\u00f6z, E. v\u0259 Uslu, D. (2005). \u201cDo\u011fu-Bat\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaz, karma\u015fa ve muhtemel bir uzla\u015fma\u201d, \/\/ Tiyatro Ele\u015ftirmenli\u011fi Ve Dramaturji B\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc Dergisi, S. 7, s. 67-86.<\/li>\n
            6. Eyidiker, U. (2019). \u201cSiyasal davran\u0131\u015f: siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131ma giden yol\u201d, \/\/ Journal of Social, Humanities and Administrative Sciences, S. 5(18), ss. 704-719.<\/li>\n
            7. Landau, J. (1999). Pant\u00fcrkizm, (t\u0259r. Mesut Ak\u0131n), \u0130stanbul, G\u00fcnd\u00fcz Bas\u0131m Yay\u0131m.<\/li>\n
            8. Parlar, S. (2005). Osmanl\u0131`dan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze gizli devlet, \u0130stanbul, Mephisto Bas\u0131m.<\/li>\n
            9. Tamer, M. (2014). \u201cKimliklerin seyrine bir ke\u015fif\u201d, Folklor Edebiyat, S.20(77), s. 83<\/li>\n
            10. Tekiner, U. (2020). \u201cThe European (Union) Identity: an overview\u201d, E-International Relations, https:\/\/www.e-ir.info\/2020\/04\/15\/the-european-union-identity-an-overview\/<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

               <\/p>\n

              \u0130ngilis dilind\u0259:<\/strong><\/p>\n

                \n
              1. Afota, A. vd. (2024). \u201cExpansion of BRICS: what are the potential consequences for the global economy?\u201d, https:\/\/www.banque-france.fr\/en\/publications-and-statistics\/publications\/expansion-brics-what-are-potential-consequences-global-economy<\/li>\n
              2. ANCA Policy Memo: Azerbaijan Sanctions Review Act of 2024 (H.R.8141) https:\/\/anca.org\/sanctionsbrief\/<\/li>\n
              3. Berenskoetter, F. (2010), \u201cIdentity in international relations\u201d, The International Studies Encyclopedia, C 6, Wiley-Blackwell, London s. 3595<\/li>\n
              4. Congressional Research Service (2024). \u201cNATO enlargement to Sweden and Finland\u201d, report https:\/\/crsreports.congress.gov\/product\/pdf\/IN\/IN11949<\/li>\n
              5. Cordesman, A. (2023). \u201cChina`s emergence as a superpower\u201d, CSIS report, https:\/\/www.csis.org\/analysis\/chinas-emergence-superpower<\/li>\n
              6. Dyer, P. (2024). \u201cCan BRICS Really Drop the Dollar?\u201d https:\/\/mecouncil.org\/blog_posts\/can-brics-really-drop-the-dollar\/<\/li>\n
              7. EU Council, (2024). \u201cEuropean Peace Facility: Council adopts the first ever assistance measure in support of the Armenian Armed Forces\u201d, https:\/\/www.consilium.europa.eu\/en\/press\/press-releases\/2024\/07\/22\/european-peace-facility-council-adopts-the-first-ever-assistance-measure-in-support-of-the-armenian-armed-forces\/<\/li>\n
              8. European Parliament resolution of 9 November 2023 on the effectiveness of the EU sanctions on Russia, https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/doceo\/document\/TA-9-2023-0397_EN.html<\/li>\n
              9. European Parliament resolution of 10 March 2022 on the destruction of cultural heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh (2022\/2582(RSP)) https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/doceo\/document\/TA-9-2022-0080_EN.html<\/li>\n
              10. Greene, R. (2023). \u201cThe Difficult Realities of the BRICS\u2019 Dedollarization Efforts\u201d, https:\/\/carnegieendowment.org\/research\/2023\/12\/the-difficult-realities-of-the-brics-dedollarization-effortsand-the-renminbis-role?lang=en<\/li>\n
              11. Heath, T. vd. (2022). \u201cThe Return of Great Power War: scenarios of systemic conflict between the United States and China\u201d, research report of RAND Corporation. https:\/\/www.rand.org\/content\/dam\/rand\/pubs\/research_reports\/RRA800\/RRA830-1\/RAND_RRA830-1.pdf<\/li>\n
              12. J\u00fctten, M. (2024). \u201cExpansion of BRICS: A quest for greater global influence?\u201d, Briefing of European Parliament, https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/RegData\/etudes\/BRIE\/2024\/760368\/EPRS_BRI(2024)760368_EN.pdf<\/li>\n
              13. McMahon, R. (2003). Cold War: A very short introduction, Oxford, Oxford University Press.<\/li>\n
              14. Pagden, A. (2002). \u201cEurope: Conceptualizing a Continent\u201d, Cambridge University Press, UK.<\/li>\n
              15. Pettyjohn, S. (2022). \u201cWar with China: five scenarios\u201d, Global Politics and Strategy, S. 64(1).<\/li>\n
              16. Sonboli, N. (2024). \u201cBRICS as an alternative rule maker in global governance\u201d, https:\/\/valdaiclub.com\/a\/highlights\/brics-as-an-alternative-rule-maker-in-global-world\/<\/li>\n
              17. Statista, \u201cD\u00fcnyada \u0259n y\u00fcks\u0259k h\u0259rbi x\u0259rcl\u0259ri olan d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259r\u201d, https:\/\/www.statista.com\/statistics\/262742\/countries-with-the-highest-military-spending\/#:~:text=The%20United%20States%20led%20the,dollars%20dedicated%20to%20the%20military<\/li>\n
              18. Ting, H. (2008). \u201cSocial Construction of Nation \u2013 A theoretical Exploration\u201d, Nationalism and Ethnoc Politics, S. 14, ss. 453-482<\/li>\n
              19. Wall, de T. (2021). \u201cIn the South Caucasus, can new trade routes help overcome a geography of conflict?\u201d, https:\/\/carnegie-production-assets.s3.amazonaws.com\/static\/files\/de_Waal_South_Caucasus_Connectivity.pdf<\/li>\n
              20. Zehfuss, M. (2001). \u201cConstructivism and identity: a dangerous liaison\u201d, European Journal of International Relations, S. 7(3), ss. 315-348<\/li>\n
              21. 1314th Plenary Meeting of the Permanent Council https:\/\/www.osce.org\/permanent-council\/488347<\/li>\n
              22. 1478th meeting of the Committee of Ministers on 18 October 2023 EU statement on Armenia\/Azerbaijan https:\/\/www.eeas.europa.eu\/delegations\/council-europe\/1478th-meeting-committee-ministers-18-october-2023-eu-statement-armeniaazerbaijan_en?s=51<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                 <\/p>\n

                Rus dilind\u0259:<\/strong><\/p>\n

                  \n
                1. \u041c\u043e\u0440\u043e\u0437\u043e\u0432 \u0412.\u0415. (2006). \u041f\u043e\u043d\u044f\u0442\u0438\u0435 \u0433\u043e\u0441\u0443\u0434\u0430\u0440\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0438\u0434\u0435\u043d\u0442\u0438\u0447\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u0432 \u0441\u043e\u0432\u0440\u0435\u043c\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u043c \u0442\u0435\u043e\u0440\u0435\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u043c \u0434\u0438\u0441\u043a\u0443\u0440\u0441\u0435. -https:\/\/www.perspektivy.info\/print.php?ID=36014<\/li>\n
                2. \u0420\u0430\u0431\u043e\u0447\u0438\u0439 \u0432\u0438\u0437\u0438\u0442 \u0410\u043b\u0435\u043a\u0441\u0435\u044f \u041e\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0447\u0443\u043a\u0430 \u0432 \u0420\u0435\u0441\u043f\u0443\u0431\u043b\u0438\u043a\u0443 \u0410\u0440\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f. \/13 \u0441\u0435\u043d\u0442\u044f\u0431\u0440\u044f 2024\/ – http:\/\/government.ru\/news\/52691\/<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                   <\/p>\n

                  Shahla Jalilzadeh<\/strong><\/p>\n

                  Azerbaijani Public Opinion on European Union and China<\/strong><\/p>\n

                  \u00a0<\/strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n

                   <\/p>\n

                  Globalization is often seen as a force that blends the identities of individuals and societies into a more global identity by exerting dominant ideological influences on their cultural and socio-political perspectives. However, in the present day, the sense of identity held by individuals, social groups, states, and organizations plays a more crucial role in international relations than ever before.<\/p>\n

                  This article examines the natural and external factors that shape national identity and influence the formation of political thought within society, particularly in Azerbaijan. It explores the re-polarization tendencies between the Eastern bloc, led by Russia and China, and the Western bloc, led by the US and the EU, following the collapse of the bipolar world order in 1991. The article also analyzes Azerbaijan’s policy positioning between these blocs after the 2020 Patriotic War (Second Karabakh War). Furthermore, it investigates the factors influencing Azerbaijanis’ attitudes towards the EU and China, based on a public opinion poll, and how these factors shape their political thinking.<\/p>\n

                  Keywords: <\/strong>national identity, political thought, political polarization, EU, China, Azerbaijan<\/p>\n

                   <\/p>\n

                  \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

                  \u00a0<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

                  \u0428\u0430\u0445\u043b\u0430 \u0414\u0436\u0430\u043b\u0438\u043b\u0437\u0430\u0434\u0435<\/strong><\/p>\n

                  \u041e\u0431\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0435 \u043c\u043d\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u043e \u0415C \u0438 \u041a\u0438\u0442\u0430\u0435 \u0432 \u0410\u0437\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0430\u0439\u0434\u0436\u0430\u043d\u0435<\/strong><\/p>\n

                  \u00a0<\/strong>\u0420\u0435\u0437\u044e\u043c\u0435<\/strong><\/p>\n

                   <\/p>\n

                  \u0413\u043b\u043e\u0431\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437\u0430\u0446\u0438\u044f \u043d\u0430\u043f\u0440\u0430\u0432\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0430 \u043d\u0430 \u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0431\u043e\u043b\u0435\u0435 \u0448\u0438\u0440\u043e\u043a\u043e\u0439 \u0438\u0434\u0435\u043d\u0442\u0438\u0447\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438, \u043e\u043a\u0430\u0437\u044b\u0432\u0430\u044f \u0437\u043d\u0430\u0447\u0438\u0442\u0435\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0435 \u0432\u043b\u0438\u044f\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u043d\u0430 \u043a\u0443\u043b\u044c\u0442\u0443\u0440\u043d\u044b\u0435, \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u044b\u0435 \u0438 \u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0435 \u0432\u0437\u0433\u043b\u044f\u0434\u044b \u043b\u044e\u0434\u0435\u0439 \u0438 \u043e\u0431\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432. \u0422\u0435\u043c \u043d\u0435 \u043c\u0435\u043d\u0435\u0435, \u0432 \u0441\u043e\u0432\u0440\u0435\u043c\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u043c \u043c\u0438\u0440\u0435 \u0447\u0443\u0432\u0441\u0442\u0432\u043e \u043d\u0430\u0446\u0438\u043e\u043d\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0438 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0438\u0434\u0435\u043d\u0442\u0438\u0447\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u2014 \u043a\u0430\u043a \u043d\u0430 \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u043d\u0435 \u043e\u0442\u0434\u0435\u043b\u044c\u043d\u044b\u0445 \u043b\u0438\u0447\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0435\u0439, \u0442\u0430\u043a \u0438 \u043d\u0430 \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u043d\u0435 \u0433\u043e\u0441\u0443\u0434\u0430\u0440\u0441\u0442\u0432 \u0438 \u043e\u0440\u0433\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0437\u0430\u0446\u0438\u0439 \u2014 \u0438\u0433\u0440\u0430\u0435\u0442 \u0431\u043e\u043b\u0435\u0435 \u0437\u043d\u0430\u0447\u0438\u043c\u0443\u044e \u0440\u043e\u043b\u044c \u0432 \u043c\u0435\u0436\u0434\u0443\u043d\u0430\u0440\u043e\u0434\u043d\u044b\u0445 \u043e\u0442\u043d\u043e\u0448\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f\u0445, \u0447\u0435\u043c \u043a\u043e\u0433\u0434\u0430-\u043b\u0438\u0431\u043e \u043f\u0440\u0435\u0436\u0434\u0435.<\/p>\n

                  \u0412 \u0441\u0442\u0430\u0442\u044c\u0435 \u0430\u043d\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437\u0438\u0440\u0443\u044e\u0442\u0441\u044f \u0432\u043d\u0443\u0442\u0440\u0435\u043d\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0438 \u0432\u043d\u0435\u0448\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0444\u0430\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u044b, \u043e\u043f\u0440\u0435\u0434\u0435\u043b\u044f\u044e\u0449\u0438\u0435 \u043d\u0430\u0446\u0438\u043e\u043d\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0443\u044e \u0438\u0434\u0435\u043d\u0442\u0438\u0447\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c \u0438 \u0432\u043b\u0438\u044f\u044e\u0449\u0438\u0435 \u043d\u0430 \u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u0432\u0437\u0433\u043b\u044f\u0434\u043e\u0432 \u043e\u0431\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430, \u0432 \u0447\u0430\u0441\u0442\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u0432 \u0410\u0437\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0430\u0439\u0434\u0436\u0430\u043d\u0435. \u0420\u0430\u0441\u0441\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0440\u0438\u0432\u0430\u044e\u0442\u0441\u044f \u0438\u0437\u043c\u0435\u043d\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f, \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0438\u0437\u043e\u0448\u0435\u0434\u0448\u0438\u0435 \u043f\u043e\u0441\u043b\u0435 \u0437\u0430\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0448\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0431\u0438\u043f\u043e\u043b\u044f\u0440\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u043f\u043e\u0440\u044f\u0434\u043a\u0430 \u0432 1991 \u0433\u043e\u0434\u0443, \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0446\u0435\u0441\u0441 \u0440\u0435\u043f\u043e\u043b\u044f\u0440\u0438\u0437\u0430\u0446\u0438\u0438 \u043c\u0435\u0436\u0434\u0443 \u0412\u043e\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0447\u043d\u044b\u043c \u0431\u043b\u043e\u043a\u043e\u043c (\u0432\u043e \u0433\u043b\u0430\u0432\u0435 \u0441 \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u0435\u0439 \u0438 \u041a\u0438\u0442\u0430\u0435\u043c) \u0438 \u0417\u0430\u043f\u0430\u0434\u043d\u044b\u043c \u0431\u043b\u043e\u043a\u043e\u043c (\u0432\u043e \u0433\u043b\u0430\u0432\u0435 \u0441 \u0421\u0428\u0410 \u0438 \u0415\u0421). \u0422\u0430\u043a\u0436\u0435 \u0438\u0441\u0441\u043b\u0435\u0434\u0443\u0435\u0442\u0441\u044f \u0444\u043e\u0440\u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0435 \u0432\u043d\u0435\u0448\u043d\u0435\u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u043a\u0443\u0440\u0441\u0430 \u0410\u0437\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0430\u0439\u0434\u0436\u0430\u043d\u0430 \u0432 \u0443\u0441\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0438\u044f\u0445 \u043a\u043e\u043d\u043a\u0443\u0440\u0435\u043d\u0446\u0438\u0438 \u044d\u0442\u0438\u0445 \u0441\u0438\u043b \u043f\u043e\u0441\u043b\u0435 \u041e\u0442\u0435\u0447\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0432\u043e\u0439\u043d\u044b 2020 \u0433\u043e\u0434\u0430.<\/p>\n

                  \u041a\u043b\u044e\u0447\u0435\u0432\u044b\u0435 \u0441\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0430: <\/strong>\u043d\u0430\u0446\u0438\u043e\u043d\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0430\u044f \u0438\u0434\u0435\u043d\u0442\u0438\u0447\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c, \u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0430\u044f \u043c\u044b\u0441\u043b\u044c, \u043f\u043e\u043b\u044f\u0440\u0438\u0437\u0430\u0446\u0438\u044f, \u0415\u0421, \u041a\u0438\u0442\u0430\u0439, \u0410\u0437\u0435\u0440\u0431\u0430\u0439\u0434\u0436\u0430\u043d<\/p>\n

                  Download\u00a0 \u00a0\"\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

                    \u015e\u0259hla C\u018fL\u0130LZAD\u018f, Sosial T\u0259dqiqatlar M\u0259rk\u0259zinin ba\u015f m\u0259sl\u0259h\u0259t\u00e7isi (Bak\u0131, Az\u0259rbaycan) \u00a0 E-mail: shahla.celilzade@stm.az ORCID ID: 0000-0002-7497-6706 \u00a0 X\u00fclas\u0259. Qloballa\u015fma f\u0259rdl\u0259rin, o c\u00fcml\u0259d\u0259n toplumlar\u0131n m\u0259d\u0259ni v\u0259 ictimai-siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnc\u0259l\u0259rin\u0259 hakim ideoloji t\u0259sirl\u0259r g\u00f6st\u0259r\u0259r\u0259k kimlikl\u0259rinin daha qlobal bir kimlik i\u00e7\u0259risind\u0259 \u0259rim\u0259sin\u0259 hesablansa da, bununla yana\u015f\u0131, haz\u0131rda f\u0259rdl\u0259rin, toplumlar\u0131n, d\u00f6vl\u0259tl\u0259rin v\u0259 t\u0259\u015fkilatlar\u0131n kimlik, aidiyyatl\u0131l\u0131q duy\u011fusu beyn\u0259lxalq m\u00fcnasib\u0259tl\u0259rd\u0259 he\u00e7 vaxt […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":1005,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1109","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cild-1--1"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1109","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1109"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1109\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1332,"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1109\/revisions\/1332"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1005"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1109"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1109"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/socialresearchjournal.az\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1109"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}